Tax Court Appointments And Reappointments Improving The Process,
2012
New York University School of Law
Tax Court Appointments And Reappointments Improving The Process, Danshera Cords
University of Richmond Law Review
This article explores the problems with the appointment and reappointment process of judges to the United States Tax Court, particularly focusing on the recent politicization of the process. Until 1992, the process ensured the appoint-ment of only well-qualified judges to the Tax Court bench. However, beginning with the administrations of Presidents William J. Clinton and George W. Bush, the President infused politics into the nomination process, causing the process to slow and creating vacancies on the court. Such delays threaten the court's effectiveness and disrupt its operations. To solve this problem, the author endorses changing the statute to allow Tax …
The Presidential Apology: Lessons From Tricky Dick And Slick Willy,
2012
Claremont McKenna College
The Presidential Apology: Lessons From Tricky Dick And Slick Willy, Megan Morris
CMC Senior Theses
The concept of an apologetic president has only recently emerged in the United States. All presidents have made mistakes, but only recently have Americans come to expect apologies from them. The development of an increasingly critical media has necessitated that future presidents hone the art of apologizing. This thesis extrapolates lessons in this skill from the apologies of Presidents Nixon and Clinton. Watergate and Lewinsky-gate were cover-up scandals that rocked the nation in the 1970s and '90s. Although the presidential misconduct in both cases were similar, the way each president opted to navigate his controversy differed dramatically. Both presidents initially …
Assessing The Impeachment Of President Bill Clinton From A Post 9/11 Perspective,
2012
Georgetown University Law Center
Assessing The Impeachment Of President Bill Clinton From A Post 9/11 Perspective, Susan Low Bloch
Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works
The impeachment of President Clinton was more a circus than a serious effort to remove the President of the United States. The reason is simple: Few people--in the Congress or the country--wanted to remove him or believed the impeachment effort would actually result in his removal. Instead, it was a partisan political effort to embarrass Clinton and "send a message" of disapproval. Congress was attaching a "scarlet letter." But this was an indulgence that posed considerable danger that few in Congress considered. In particular, few tried to assess the potential impact this use of the process would have on the …
Ten Years On: Military Justice And Civil Liberties In The Post-9/11 Era,
2012
Yale Law School
Ten Years On: Military Justice And Civil Liberties In The Post-9/11 Era, Eugene R. Fidell
NYLS Law Review
No abstract provided.
Increased Tax Liability Awards After Eshelman: A Call For Expanded Acceptance Beyond The Realm Of Anti-Discrimination Statutes,
2012
New York Law School
Increased Tax Liability Awards After Eshelman: A Call For Expanded Acceptance Beyond The Realm Of Anti-Discrimination Statutes, Eirik Cheverud
NYLS Law Review
No abstract provided.
"The Essence Of A Free Society": The Executive Powers Legacy Of Justice Stevens And The Future Of Foreign Affairs Deference,
2012
Indiana University Maurer School of Law
"The Essence Of A Free Society": The Executive Powers Legacy Of Justice Stevens And The Future Of Foreign Affairs Deference, Dawn E. Johnsen
Articles by Maurer Faculty
After 9/11, Justice John Paul Stevens insisted the United States maintain its foundational commitment to the rule of law—the very “essence of a free society.” Justice Stevens led the Court’s scrutiny and rejection of early Bush Administration policies regarding the detention and prosecution of suspected terrorists. Since it lost Justice Stevens’s passionate and principled voice in 2008, the Court has not addressed the scope of the President’s military detention authority. This Article considers Justice Stevens’s role in the Court’s altered stance, and also a complementary explanation: the Obama Administration’s improved interpretation and exercise of executive authority. Informed and inspired by …
Waiving Goodbye To Nondisclosure Under Foia’S Exemption 4: The Scope And Applicability Of The Waiver Doctrine,
2012
The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law
Waiving Goodbye To Nondisclosure Under Foia’S Exemption 4: The Scope And Applicability Of The Waiver Doctrine, Patrick Lightfoot
Catholic University Law Review
No abstract provided.
Has The Obama Justice Department Reinvigorated Antitrust Enforcement?,
2012
University of Michigan Law School
Has The Obama Justice Department Reinvigorated Antitrust Enforcement?, Daniel A. Crane
Articles
The Justice Department’s recently filed antitrust case against Apple and several major book publishers over e-book pricing, which comes on the heels of the Justice Department’s successful challenge to the proposed merger of AT&T and T-Mobile, has contributed to the perception that the Obama Administration is reinvigorating antitrust enforcement from its recent stupor. As a candidate for President, then-Senator Obama criticized the Bush Administration as having the “weakest record of antitrust enforcement of any administration in the last half century” and vowed to step up enforcement. Early in the Obama Administration, Justice Department officials furthered this perception by withdrawing the …
Heeding The Clarion Call For Sustainable, Spiritual Western Landscapes: Will The People Be Granted A New Forest Service?,
2012
University of Colorado Law School
Heeding The Clarion Call For Sustainable, Spiritual Western Landscapes: Will The People Be Granted A New Forest Service?, Charles Wilkinson, Daniel Cordalis
Publications
No abstract provided.
Beyond Foreign Policy: A Fresh Look At Cross-Cultural Negotiations And Dispute Resolution Based On The India-United States Nuclear Test Ban Negotiations,
2012
Willamette University-College of Law
Beyond Foreign Policy: A Fresh Look At Cross-Cultural Negotiations And Dispute Resolution Based On The India-United States Nuclear Test Ban Negotiations, Sukhsimranjit Singh
Cardozo Journal of Conflict Resolution
This paper has three goals: first, to study the negotiation of CTBT from Indian and U.S. perspectives; second, to analyze the influence of culture on the processes and outcomes of nuclear negotiations; and third, to provide an approach that would have produced a better result in the CTBT negotiations, and which could be used with more success in future bilateral and multi-lateral negotiations. The approach and lessons from my analysis can also be applied towards other cross-cultural disputes, especially to those that involve national culture. I conclude that the CTBT negotiation between India and the U.S. (among other nations) was …
Historical Gloss And The Separation Of Powers,
2012
Duke Law School
Historical Gloss And The Separation Of Powers, Curtis A. Bradley, Trevor W. Morrison
Faculty Scholarship
Arguments based on historical practice are a mainstay of debates about the constitutional separation of powers. Surprisingly, however, there has been little sustained academic attention to the proper role of historical practice in this context. The scant existing scholarship is either limited to specific subject areas or focused primarily on judicial doctrine without addressing the use of historical practice in broader conceptual or theoretical terms. To the extent that the issue has been discussed, most accounts of how historical practice should inform the separation of powers require “acquiescence” by the branch of government whose prerogatives the practice implicates, something that …
Should Mass Comments Count?,
2012
University of Michigan Law School
Should Mass Comments Count?, Nina A. Mendelson
Articles
I am grateful to the Michigan Journal of Environmental & Administrative Law for the opportunity to reply to “Rulemaking vs. Democracy: Judging and Nudging Public Participation That Counts,” a terrific article by Professor Cynthia Farina, Mary Newhart, and Josiah Heidt of the Cornell eRulemaking Institute (“CeRI”). Farina, Newhart, and Heidt’s continuing commitment to structuring public engagement in e-rulemaking, both through scholarship and CeRI’s Regulation Room project, is one of the most hopeful signs for the future of that process. In their Article, the authors are concerned with agency treatment of large volumes of public comments in rulemaking, an increasingly common …
The Obama Justice Department's Merger Enforcement Record: An Armchair Reply To Baker And Shapiro,
2012
University of Michigan Law School
The Obama Justice Department's Merger Enforcement Record: An Armchair Reply To Baker And Shapiro, Daniel A. Crane
Articles
My recent Essay, Has the Obama Justice Department Reinvigorated Antitrust Enforcement?, examined the three major areas of antitrust enforcement—cartels, mergers, and civil non-merger—and argued that, contrary to some popular impressions, the Obama Justice Department has not “reinvigorated” antitrust enforcement. Jonathan Baker and Carl Shapiro have published a response, which focuses solely on merger enforcement. Baker and Shapiro’s argument that the Obama Justice Department actually did reinvigorate merger enforcement is unconvincing.
Judicial Review Of Constitutional Transitions: War And Peace And Other Sundry Matters,
2012
Vanderbilt University Law School
Judicial Review Of Constitutional Transitions: War And Peace And Other Sundry Matters, Rivka Weill
Vanderbilt Journal of Transnational Law
Constitutional transition periods present a twilight time between two executives. At such times, the outgoing executive's authority is questionable because of the democratic difficulties and agency concerns that arise at the end of the executive's term. Thus, parliamentary systems developed constitutional conventions that restrict caretaker governments' action. These conventions seem to achieve the desired results in the United Kingdom, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia. In contrast, in the United States, the prevailing norm is that there is only one president at a time, and this is the incumbent president, who is fully authorized to govern the country and his or …
Congress In Court,
2012
American University Washington College of Law
Congress In Court, Amanda Frost
Scholarly Articles in Law Reviews & Journals
Congress rarely participates in litigation about the meaning of federal law. By contrast, the executive branch joins in federal litigation on a regular basis as either a party or amicus curiae. Congress simply assumes that the president’s lawyers adequately represent its interests save in those rare instances when the two branches have a direct conflict. This Article questions that assumption.
The federal judiciary’s approach to statutory and constitutional interpretation diminishes Congress’s influence, often to the benefit of the executive branch. The rise of textualism, the canon of constitutional avoidance, the reliance on Chevron deference, and the courts’ reluctance to second-guess …
Can The President And Congress Establish A Legislative Veto Mechanism For Jointly Drawing Down A Long And Controversial War?,
2012
University of Baltimore School of Law
Can The President And Congress Establish A Legislative Veto Mechanism For Jointly Drawing Down A Long And Controversial War?, Charles Tiefer
All Faculty Scholarship
In the simplest case: Congress declares war, and does not intrude on the President's solo decision about when the troops come home. However, in our time, long wars, such as in Afghanistan and Iraq, occur with great tension between the two elected branches of government over the pace of a drawdown. Sometimes it may be a hawkish Congress that disagrees with a President reluctant to continue the war at full troop levels. To find a joint way to draw down the American troops in the war zone, they may seek congressional mechanisms to resolve their differences with interactive processes. Then, …
To Tax, To Spend, To Regulate,
2012
Columbia Law School
To Tax, To Spend, To Regulate, Gillian E. Metzger
Faculty Scholarship
Two very different visions of the national government underpin the ongoing battle over the Affordable Care Act (ACA). President Obama and supporters of the ACA believe in the power of government to protect individuals through regulation and collective action. By contrast, the ACA's Republican and Tea Party opponents see expanded government as a fundamental threat to individual liberty and view the requirement that individuals purchase minimum health insurance (the so-called "individual mandate") as the conscription of the healthy to subsidize the sick. This conflict over the federal government's proper role is, of course, not new; it has played out repeatedly …
Presidential Power And Constitutional Responsibility,
2011
University of South Carolina - Columbia
Presidential Power And Constitutional Responsibility, Thomas P. Crocker
Faculty Publications
Some constitutional theorists defend unbounded executive power to respond to emergencies or expansive discretionary powers to complete statutory directives. Against these anti-Madisonian approaches, this Article examines how the textual assignment of republican virtues helps to constitute and constrain the president's power. The Madisonian solution for constitutional constraint both creates institutions for unenlightened statesmen and relies on virtue to make governing possible. Constitutional responsibility is a consistent textual theme found in the command to "take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed," the responsibility to remain faithful to the office of president, and the obligation to preserve the Constitution itself. Although …
Partisan Conflicts Over Presidential Authority,
2011
William & Mary Law School
Partisan Conflicts Over Presidential Authority, Jide Nzelibe
William & Mary Law Review
No abstract provided.
Samantar And Executive Power,
2011
University of Georgia Law School
Samantar And Executive Power, Peter B. Rutledge
Scholarly Works
This essay examines Samantar v. Yousuf in the context of broader debate about the relationship between federal common law and executive power. Samantar represents simply the latest effort by the Executive Branch to literally shape the meaning of law through a process referred to in the literature as “executive lawmaking.” While traditional accounts of executive lawmaking typically have treated the idea as a singular concept, Samantar demonstrates the need to bifurcate the concept into at least two different categories: acts of executive lawmaking decoupled from pending litigation and acts of executive lawmaking taken expressly in response to litigation. As Samantar …
