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Articles 31 - 60 of 210
Full-Text Articles in Phonetics and Phonology
The Appendix, Bert Vaux, Andrew Wolfe
The Appendix, Bert Vaux, Andrew Wolfe
Bert Vaux
We bring together a wide range of linguistic evidence and arguments that have been adduced in support of extrasyllabicity, and synthesize a representational theory that accounts for the subset of these that should be accounted for. We will see that some of the more famous phenomena cited as evidence for the appendix are not actually probative, but on the basis of ample other evidence we will suggest that phonological segments can attach to prosodic nodes higher than the syllable, and that the specific locus of attachment can vary both between and within languages.
Classified Bibliography Of Works On Ot With Candidate Chains (Ot-Cc) And Harmonic Serialism (Hs), John J. Mccarthy
Classified Bibliography Of Works On Ot With Candidate Chains (Ot-Cc) And Harmonic Serialism (Hs), John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
No abstract provided.
Harmony In Harmonic Serialism, John J. Mccarthy
Harmony In Harmonic Serialism, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
What OT constraint favors autosegmental spreading? Existing proposals for the pro-spreading markedness constraint make implausible typological predictions. This paper presents a new proposal that depends on Harmonic Serialism to avoid those unwanted predictions.
Analytic Or Channel Bias: Explaining Variation In Scottish Gaelic Preaspiration, Ian D. Clayton
Analytic Or Channel Bias: Explaining Variation In Scottish Gaelic Preaspiration, Ian D. Clayton
Ian D. Clayton
Through factorial typology, Optimality Theory predicts a range of theoretically possible grammars. However, factorial typology can result in overgeneration, e.g. by predicting unattested epenthetic repairs to *NC̥ (Pater 1999). To solve this overgeneration problem, extensions to OT have been proposed, such as targeted constraints (Wilson 2001) and the P-map (Steriade 2002). However, others scholars assert that such typological gaps result diachronically from phonetic factors; thus, attributing them to UG is redundant (Ohala 2005, Barnes 2002, Myers 2002). This paper supports the second view, drawing evidence from asymmetries in the typology of Scottish Gaelic (SG) preaspirated voiceless stops. First, the paper …
Classified Bibliography Of Works On Ot With Candidate Chains (Ot-Cc) And Harmonic Serialism (Hs), John J. Mccarthy
Classified Bibliography Of Works On Ot With Candidate Chains (Ot-Cc) And Harmonic Serialism (Hs), John J. Mccarthy
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
No abstract provided.
The Serial Interaction Of Stress And Syncope, John J. Mccarthy
The Serial Interaction Of Stress And Syncope, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
Many languages respect the generalization that some or all unstressed vowels are deleted. This generalization proves elusive in classic Optimality Theory, however. The source of the problem is classic OT’s parallel evaluation, which requires that the effects of stress assignment and syncope be optimized together. This article argues for a version of OT called Harmonic Serialism, in which the effects of stress assignment and syncope can and must be evaluated sequentially. The results are potentially applicable to other domains where process interaction is best understood in derivational terms.
The Serial Interaction Of Stress And Syncope, John J. Mccarthy
The Serial Interaction Of Stress And Syncope, John J. Mccarthy
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
Many languages respect the generalization that some or all unstressed vowels are deleted. This generalization proves elusive in classic Optimality Theory, however. The source of the problem is classic OT’s parallel evaluation, which requires that the effects of stress assignment and syncope be optimized together. This article argues for a version of OT called Harmonic Serialism, in which the effects of stress assignment and syncope can and must be evaluated sequentially. The results are potentially applicable to other domains where process interaction is best understood in derivational terms.
Phonetics In Phonology: Evidence From Scottish Gaelic Preaspiration [Poster], Ian D. Clayton
Phonetics In Phonology: Evidence From Scottish Gaelic Preaspiration [Poster], Ian D. Clayton
Ian D. Clayton
No abstract provided.
Derivations And Levels Of Representation, John J. Mccarthy
Derivations And Levels Of Representation, John J. Mccarthy
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
In the theory of generative phonology, the phonological grammar of a language is regarded as a function from underlying to surface forms: /kæt þz/ ! [kæts] ‘cats’. Underlying and surface form are known as levels of representation, and the mapping between them is a derivation. This chapter describes the rationale for positing distinct levels of representation, various views of how many and what kind of levels of representation there are, and the nature of the derivations that link different levels of representation.
Consonant Harmony Via Correspondence: Evidence From Chumash, John J. Mccarthy
Consonant Harmony Via Correspondence: Evidence From Chumash, John J. Mccarthy
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
The phonology of [anterior] in Chumash supports recent proposals by Hansson (2001), Rose & Walker (2004), and Walker (2000a, 2000b) that long-distance consonant assimilation does not involve autosegmental spreading. Linking of the feature [anterior] is forbidden across morpheme boundaries, but long-distance [anterior] harmony is allowed across morpheme boundaries. The Chumash evidence therefore shows that assimilation can occur without autosegmental spreading.
What Is Optimality Theory?, John J. Mccarthy
What Is Optimality Theory?, John J. Mccarthy
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
Optimality Theory is a general model of how grammars are structured. This article surveys the motivations for OT, its core principles, and the basics of analysis. It also addresses some frequently asked questions about this theory and offers suggestions for further reading.
Slouching Toward Optimality: Coda Reduction In Ot-Cc, John J. Mccarthy
Slouching Toward Optimality: Coda Reduction In Ot-Cc, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
There is a well-established asymmetry in the behavior of medial consonant clusters: the first consonant in the cluster can undergo assimilation or deletion, but the second consonant in the cluster cannot. This article presents an explanation for that asymmetry based on a version of Optimality Theory with candidate chains (McCarthy (2006a)). The key idea is that a consonant can only assimilate or delete if it first loses its place features by debuccalizing, and debuccalization is only possible in coda position.
What Is Optimality Theory?, John J. Mccarthy
What Is Optimality Theory?, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
Optimality Theory is a general model of how grammars are structured. This article surveys the motivations for OT, its core principles, and the basics of analysis. It also addresses some frequently asked questions about this theory and offers suggestions for further reading.
Less Than Zero: Correspondence And The Null Output, John J. Mccarthy, Matthew Wolf
Less Than Zero: Correspondence And The Null Output, John J. Mccarthy, Matthew Wolf
John J. McCarthy
In this chapter, we have argued for a revision of correspondence theory in which strings rather than segments are the formal objects that stand in correspondence. In this revision, well-behaved unfaithful mappings do not alter ℜ’s status is a total bijective function. Candidates with a less orderly ℜ violate MPARSE; among these candidates there is one that harmonically bounds all of the others, the null output &#;. The primary goal of this project is to explain why &#; uniquely violates no constraints except MPARSE, making it suitable for the analysis of phonologically-conditioned gaps. Along the way, we have also discussed …
Consonant Harmony Via Correspondence: Evidence From Chumash, John J. Mccarthy
Consonant Harmony Via Correspondence: Evidence From Chumash, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
The phonology of [anterior] in Chumash supports recent proposals by Hansson (2001), Rose & Walker (2004), and Walker (2000a, 2000b) that long-distance consonant assimilation does not involve autosegmental spreading. Linking of the feature [anterior] is forbidden across morpheme boundaries, but long-distance [anterior] harmony is allowed across morpheme boundaries. The Chumash evidence therefore shows that assimilation can occur without autosegmental spreading.
Derivations And Levels Of Representation, John J. Mccarthy
Derivations And Levels Of Representation, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
In the theory of generative phonology, the phonological grammar of a language is regarded as a function from underlying to surface forms: /kæt þz/ ! [kæts] ‘cats’. Underlying and surface form are known as levels of representation, and the mapping between them is a derivation. This chapter describes the rationale for positing distinct levels of representation, various views of how many and what kind of levels of representation there are, and the nature of the derivations that link different levels of representation.
An Instrumental Investigation Of Scottish Gaelic Preaspiration, Ian D. Clayton
An Instrumental Investigation Of Scottish Gaelic Preaspiration, Ian D. Clayton
Ian D. Clayton
No abstract provided.
Slouching Toward Optimality: Coda Reduction In Ot-Cc, John J. Mccarthy
Slouching Toward Optimality: Coda Reduction In Ot-Cc, John J. Mccarthy
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
There is a well-established asymmetry in the behavior of medial consonant clusters: the first consonant in the cluster can undergo assimilation or deletion, but the second consonant in the cluster cannot. This article presents an explanation for that asymmetry based on a version of Optimality Theory with candidate chains (McCarthy (2006a)). The key idea is that a consonant can only assimilate or delete if it first loses its place features by debuccalizing, and debuccalization is only possible in coda position.
Less Than Zero: Correspondence And The Null Output, John J. Mccarthy, Matthew Wolf
Less Than Zero: Correspondence And The Null Output, John J. Mccarthy, Matthew Wolf
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
In this chapter, we have argued for a revision of correspondence theory in which strings rather than segments are the formal objects that stand in correspondence. In this revision, well-behaved unfaithful mappings do not alter ℜ’s status is a total bijective function. Candidates with a less orderly ℜ violate MPARSE; among these candidates there is one that harmonically bounds all of the others, the null output &#;. The primary goal of this project is to explain why &#; uniquely violates no constraints except MPARSE, making it suitable for the analysis of phonologically-conditioned gaps. Along the way, we have also discussed …
Morphology: Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy
Morphology: Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
No abstract provided.
Prosodic Morphology, John J. Mccarthy
Morphology: Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy
Morphology: Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
No abstract provided.
Prosodic Morphology, John J. Mccarthy
Prosodic Morphology, John J. Mccarthy
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
No abstract provided.
Optimal Paradigms, John J. Mccarthy
Optimal Paradigms, John J. Mccarthy
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
Transderivational Correspondence and Uniform Exponence are two recent theories of surface resemblances among morphologically related words. This article describes the Optimal Paradigms theory, which incorporates elements of both. In OP, candidates consist of entire inflectional paradigms. Within each candidate paradigm, there is a correspondence relation from every paradigm member to every other paradigm member. Faithfulness constraints on this intraparadigmatic correspondence relation resist alternation within the paradigm. This model is illustrated and supported with a type of evidence that has not figured in previous discussions, the templatic structure of the Classical Arabic verb. Generalized Template Theory demands that templatic restrictions emerge …
The Length Of Stem-Final Vowels In Colloquial Arabic, John J. Mccarthy
The Length Of Stem-Final Vowels In Colloquial Arabic, John J. Mccarthy
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
This paper has argued that richness of the base, when combined with OT’s inherent commitment to typology, leads to an improved understanding of problems of indeterminacy in underlying representations. The controversy over the length of Arabic final vowels, a controversy to which many analysts have contributed without a final resolution, disappears once the phenomena are examined from the perspective of ROTB and a typologically responsible CON. It has been suggested (M. Hale and Reiss 1998: 660) that “the notion of richness of the base [is] a computational curiosity of OT grammars that may be quite irrelevant to human language”. This …
Optimal Paradigms, John J. Mccarthy
Optimal Paradigms, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
Transderivational Correspondence and Uniform Exponence are two recent theories of surface resemblances among morphologically related words. This article describes the Optimal Paradigms theory, which incorporates elements of both. In OP, candidates consist of entire inflectional paradigms. Within each candidate paradigm, there is a correspondence relation from every paradigm member to every other paradigm member. Faithfulness constraints on this intraparadigmatic correspondence relation resist alternation within the paradigm. This model is illustrated and supported with a type of evidence that has not figured in previous discussions, the templatic structure of the Classical Arabic verb. Generalized Template Theory demands that templatic restrictions emerge …
Taking A Free Ride In Morphophonemic Learning, John J. Mccarthy
Taking A Free Ride In Morphophonemic Learning, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
As language learners begin to analyze morphologically complex words, they face the problem of projecting underlying representations from the morphophonemic alternations that they observe. Research on learnability in Optimality Theory has started to address this problem, and this article deals with one aspect of it. When alternation data tell the learner that some surface [B]s are derived from underlying /A/s, the learner will under certain conditions generalize by deriving all [B]s, even nonalternating ones, from /A/s. An adequate learning theory must therefore incorporate a procedure that allows nonalternating [B]s to take a «free ride» on the /A/ →[B] unfaithful map.
The Length Of Stem-Final Vowels In Colloquial Arabic, John J. Mccarthy
The Length Of Stem-Final Vowels In Colloquial Arabic, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
This paper has argued that richness of the base, when combined with OT’s inherent commitment to typology, leads to an improved understanding of problems of indeterminacy in underlying representations. The controversy over the length of Arabic final vowels, a controversy to which many analysts have contributed without a final resolution, disappears once the phenomena are examined from the perspective of ROTB and a typologically responsible CON. It has been suggested (M. Hale and Reiss 1998: 660) that “the notion of richness of the base [is] a computational curiosity of OT grammars that may be quite irrelevant to human language”. This …
Taking A Free Ride In Morphophonemic Learning, John J. Mccarthy
Taking A Free Ride In Morphophonemic Learning, John J. Mccarthy
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
As language learners begin to analyze morphologically complex words, they face the problem of projecting underlying representations from the morphophonemic alternations that they observe. Research on learnability in Optimality Theory has started to address this problem, and this article deals with one aspect of it. When alternation data tell the learner that some surface [B]s are derived from underlying /A/s, the learner will under certain conditions generalize by deriving all [B]s, even nonalternating ones, from /A/s. An adequate learning theory must therefore incorporate a procedure that allows nonalternating [B]s to take a «free ride» on the /A/ →[B] unfaithful map.
Headed Spans And Autosegmental Spreading, John J. Mccarthy
Headed Spans And Autosegmental Spreading, John J. Mccarthy
Linguistics Department Faculty Publication Series
No abstract provided.