Syntax Commons^™

It’S Giving Nonfactive Small Clause Selection, David Garsten

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

In this paper I examine the syntax and semantics of English nonfactive verbs, bare nominals, and small clauses through the colloquial constructions it’s giving and screams+NP. I aim to explain the formality of nonfactives with DP small clauses in American English, as well as the informality of bare nominals in adjectival positions. First I propose a semantics for two nonfactive heads: v_ATT and v_EVI. I demonstrate that all variation in the selection of English small clause type can be reduced to selection by category, and that these nonfactive heads have lost the ability to c-select for …

Addendum To The Mapbook Of Syntactic Variation In American English: Survey Results, 2020–2021, Jim Wood, Guilherme M. C. Pereira

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

This paper presents an addendum to the Mapbook of Syntactic Variation in American English (Wood et al. 2020), reporting the results of additional acceptability-judgment surveys conducted by the Yale Grammatical Diversity Project in 2020–2021. Using the same survey design, data-processing pipeline, and mapping techniques as the original mapbook, we extend the empirical record to a new set of syntactic constructions, including additional uses of hella, causal where, the alternative one construction, intensificational fully, and several cases of object omission with transitive verbs, which we call “lonely transitives”. As in the original work, we provide geospatial visualizations of …

I Can’T Even With This Thesis: A Syntactic And Pragmatic Analysis, Ester Luna

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

This project focuses on the construction I can’t even, a sentence coined in the early 2000s that expresses a speaker’s strong emotion to the point where they are lost for words. The most typical emotion conveyed using I can’t even is exasperation, as in example (1), but it can also be an indication of extreme happiness, like in (2).

• (1) He tried to get my number AGAIN. I can’t even.
• (2) You came all the way from New York to watch me perform? I can’t even.

While the modal can and the adverb even normally require the …

It’S Hella Cool: Investigating The Properties Of Hella, Lydia Lee

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

Hella is known as a strongly characteristic feature of Northern California, particularly the San Francisco Bay Area (Waksler 2000, Boboc 2016). Based on data collected from public Twitter posts from 2013–2020 and examples drawn from Boboc (2016) and Waksler (2000), this paper investigates the origin, syntactic properties, and sociolinguistic aspects of hella. This study also draws on 1,389 responses to sentences (1)–(3), adapted from Boboc (2016), which were included in the Yale Grammatical Diversity Project’s survey work conducted on Amazon Mechanical Turk in 2019.

1. This seat reclines hella!
   ‘This seat reclines a lot.’
2. I spoke Spanish today for the …

A (Great) Many Of Many Constructions, Jim Wood, Squid Tamar-Mattis

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

In this paper, we discuss a series of constructions across various English dialects involving the word many, drawing examples from the Dictionary of American Regional English (DARE) and web searches. The constructions include both standard and colloquial forms, including formally singular and plural constructions, as well as those employing a lot of and a great many. We connect these constructions to existing linguistic analyses, particularly those proposed by Kayne (2002, 2006, 2007a,b, 2017).

Another One: On The Syntax Of ‘Alternative One’, Ester Luna

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

This paper discusses the use of one as a disjunction marker occurring immediately after a DisjP, such as He was in Tennessee or Kentucky, one. Little research has been published on this construction, which is used predominantly by Southern American English speakers. My project aims to fill this gap in the literature by describing the distribution of one and examining various hypotheses for its syntactic derivation using data from Montgomery (2004) and the Yale Grammatical Diversity Project. Based on my descriptive analysis, I propose to treat this "alternative one" as a proform and matrix clause adjunct.

I compare …

Mapping The ‘Alternative One’ Construction In American English, Guilherme M. C. Pereira

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

Alternative one is an understudied construction accepted by speakers of some American English dialects in sentences like (i), where the word one appears immediately after a disjunction.

(i) I need to talk to John or Malcolm, one.
'I need to talk to John or Malcolm, one or the other.'

(Montgomery 2006:152)

In this paper, I present maps of acceptability judgments of this construction in the U.S., using data from a survey administered by the Yale Grammatical Diversity Project in 2020 and 2021. The maps confirm the geographical distribution claimed for alternative one in the Dictionary of American Regional English (Cassidy …

I Have A Survey On Lonely Transitives! Do You Want?, Linda Do

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

In this paper, I describe a recently observed grammatical construction that the YGDP has termed "lonely transitives" (LonTs). Used by some speakers of English in informal contexts, the construction consists of a traditionally transitive verb used without an object. LonTs can only be used if there is sufficient prior linguistic or situational context to recover the null object and if the sentence retains the same meaning as the verb used with an overt object. Using the results of a survey I conducted, I discuss the syntactic distribution of LonTs and suggest that it may be much wider than previously established …

I Have Some Maps. Do You Want?, Ella Moran

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

This paper investigates the distribution of the 'lonely transitive' (or LonT) construction using YGDP survey data. I analyze the distribution of this construction by interpolating acceptability judgment data to create a series of maps showing the likely acceptability of various LonT sentences for English speakers across the US. I find that the distribution of LonTs does not seem to be geographically conditioned and that a markedness hierarchy exists between the verbs want, have, and need.

Hella Much Variation: Intensification In Northern California English, As Seen Through The South Bay, Clara Mcmahon

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

In this paper I present a unified syntactic analysis to account for all of the typical usages of the Northern California lexical item hella. Specifically, I focus on hella’s usage in the South Bay—a subregion of the San Francisco Bay Area which corresponds roughly to Santa Clara County. Contrary to Boboc (2016), who proposes that Bay Area speakers do not allow hella to modify silent elements, I provide evidence that hella is a degree word which can license silent elements for South Bay speakers. Using a silent MANY and a silent MUCH (Kayne 2005), all of hella’s …

Mirativity In English Response Particles: An Analysis From The Syntax/Semantics Interface, Randi Martinez

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

Responses to questions can provide significant insight about linguistic structure and meaning. In this paper, I propose an analysis of the structure of assertions and various responses to assertions, bringing together semantic and syntactic considerations. The analysis incorporates a Speech Act Phrase (SAP, Speas & Tenny 2003), which is taken to encode illocutionary force. I present novel data on a polar response particle (PRP) form that has not yet been considered in the literature, namely, the English yeah-huh/nuh-uh responses. I show that these are polarity-based responses that signal disagreement and mirativity. I discuss the syntactic and discourse-related restrictions for yeah-huh/nuh-uh …

Completive All In English And The Status Of All, Carolina Fraga

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

In this paper I discuss a novel construction in English, restricted to existentials and possessive have sentences, exemplified by sentences such as There’s all sand in my hair. I argue that the syntax and the semantics of this construction, which I have labeled the completive all construction, can be explained only if all is understood to be modifying a silent element (in the sense of Kayne 2004). In particular, I propose that completive all sentences contain a silent SPACE element and a silent preposition WITH. All is the modifier of a PP headed by silent WITH and the nominal …

Not Me Getting With The Times: A New Kind Of Not-Fragment In English, Guilherme M. C. Pereira

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

In this paper, I describe a relatively new construction in colloquial use by many English speakers: a discourse-initial not-fragment that draws attention to a factual event and conveys some attitude towards it, typically that it is embarrassing, surprising, ironic, ridiculous, or simply bad. A prototypical example of this construction, which I call “spotlight not,” is an utterance like Not me going to Starbucks for the second time today, which is taken to indicate that the speaker is indeed going to Starbucks for the second time that day, and that they find this fact embarrassing or surprising, ironic, …

Some Notes On The "Needs Washed" Construction, Jim Wood, Josephine Holubkov, Ian Neidel, Kaija Gahm

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

This paper describes the geographic and social factors that correlate with the acceptability of the needs washed construction, based on the results of recent survey data. After briefly describing the survey methods, we discuss several ways to analyze the geographic distribution of the construction, focusing on the distribution of “hot” and “cold” spots across different versions of the construction. We find certain core areas where the construction is highly accepted, as well as core areas where the construction is highly rejected. Our survey looks at the effect of verb (need, want, like, and love), tense/modality …

Microvariation In Verbal Rather, Jim Wood

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

This paper uses survey results and interactive mapping tools to analyze correlations across different versions of the non-standard verbal use of the word rather, in particular with participial morphology, as in rathered. Across numerous possible instantiations of the construction, there appear to be in fact a quite limited number of grammars, which are generated by an implicational hierarchy of functional heads, along with the availability of a silent verb HAVE. The overall picture supports several broader conclusions. First, silent verbs can be licensed by head-moving to a modal head in the extended projection. This movement is freely available, but …

Try Come Look At This Construction!, Kento Tanaka

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

The try get construction, used by some speakers of Hawai‘i English, consists of the bare form of the verb try immediately followed by the bare form of another verb, as in We’ll try get some coffee tomorrow. In this paper, I first describe the usage of this construction, showing that it behaves essentially identically to the widespread go get construction described most notably by Zwicky (1969) and Pullum (1990). I then analyze the syntax of the try get construction adopting Bjorkman’s (2016) proposal for the go get construction.

Variations On Defining A Dialect Region, Sasha Lioutikova

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

This paper explores various methods of defining a dialect region, using syntactic constructions characteristic of the American South. We consider three important characteristics of such a method: place, feature, and measure. ”Place” details how data points should be grouped, ”feature” details which data points should be used, and ”measure” details how the data should be analyzed. While we may not claim one method as superior to any other, this research can provide insight into how different techniques of characterizing geographic variation may affect the resulting dialect regions.

Anymore Once More: Geographical And Syntactic Distribution, Laurence R. Horn

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

Occurrences of non-polarity anymore (NPAM) or so-called “positive anymore” with the approximate meaning of ‘nowadays’ have long been collected by North American dialectologists. The name of the construction is misleading, however, since mainstream anymore, as a garden-variety negative polarity item, is acceptable (like ever or anyone) in a range of grammatically “positive” but downward entailing environments. After touching on the semantic characterization of mainstream and non-polarity anymore and the “stigma enigma” presented by the variable social diagnosis of the construction by those familiar and unfamiliar with it, we present the results a study of the grammatical and …

Get My Syntax On, Heidi Lei

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

In this paper, I describe and analyze an instance of micro-syntactic variation in American English, a construction I refer to as get my X on. There is considerable flexibility in the construction, involving the types of determiners allowed, the phrasal verbs used, and most notably, the structure of the DP my X. In Standard American English, the X following a possessive pronoun is generally restricted to nouns. However, in this construction, X can be a lexical verb like sing, teach, or even celebrate. Some speakers of African American English accept only the bare verb, rejecting …

Notes On Extended Benefactives, Jim Wood, Shayley Martin

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

Wood and Zanuttini (2018) have discussed data suggesting that low Appl(icative) phrases can occur as the complement of a preposition in some varieties of English. However, their claim was based on a limited data set that is potentially open to alternative analyses. This paper reports on judgment data collected by the second author of the present paper in January 2018 which go well beyond the examples discussed by Wood and Zanuttini (2018), and support their claim that a beneficiary and a DP can form a constituent inside a PP that excludes the PP and any verb it may be associated …

Who Wants In On This Linguistic Analysis?, Lane Fischer

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

This paper brings together previous research on the Midland English dialect region construction want + [intransitive preposition] heretofore referred to as the wants in phenomenon. I will build on past research of wants in and present its construction, background, sociolinguistic relevance and will then present further questions I have about the construction, my hypotheses on these questions, and results from my own intuitions as a speaker of the Midland dialect and a linguistic survey. With reference to a similar Midland construction, need + [past participle], I ultimately propose that although these two constructions share many of the same syntactic restrictions, …

Doxastic Feel Like (That), Aarohi Srivastava

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

Doxastic feel like is used to convey a belief or opinion, similar to think:

(1) I feel like your drawing is better than mine.

Doxastic feel like is an intriguing topic of study due to the potential for microsyntactic variation, along with the thick web of linguistic prejudice surrounding this construction. Doxastic feel like is primarily associated with stereotypes regarding age, gender, and intelligence. A survey was conduced to measure participants of diverse demographic backgrounds in their acceptability of feel like in different contexts. Overall, respondents were found to have high acceptability of this construction. In addition, respondents were …

Mapbook Of Syntactic Variation In American English: Survey Results, 2015–2019, Jim Wood, Kaija Gahm, Ian Neidel, Sasha Lioutikova, Luke S. Lindemann, Lydia Lee, Josephine Holubkov

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

This work presents the results of a series of acceptability judgment surveys conducted by the Yale Grammatical Diversity Project (YGDP) between 2015 and 2019. It contains over 200 maps of some 194 sentences, covering a wide range of syntactic constructions, including dative presentatives, personal datives, extended benefactives, the have yet to construction, the done my homework construction, wicked, hella, the so don’t I construction, the alls construction, the come with construction, fixin’ to, the needs washed construction, non-polarity anymore (aka “positive anymore”), and many others. For each sentence, we also provide some basic demographic information, such …

Touch Down In Pittsburghese, R. Thomas Mccoy

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

In standard American English, down may take a DP object only if the DP indicates a path, as in I walked down the street. However, for some speakers of Pittsburgh English, it is also grammatical for down to take a DP object indicating a location or goal, as in She works down Baltimore (meaning ‘She works down in Baltimore’). In this work, I describe the distributional properties of this usage, which I name “touch down.” Based on these properties, I propose the syntactic analysis that touch down licenses a silent preposition where standard American English has an overt …

I Feel Like That One Complementizer Is Not Enough, Aidan Kaplan

Yale Working Papers in Grammatical Diversity

This study presents a description and analysis of an instance of syntactic microvariation, which I call the like that construction. In this construction, an embedded CP is apparently introduced by two complementizers or complementizer-like elements, as in I feel like that we’re going to win the game. This construction is found to be acceptable to speakers from all over the US, with no apparent geographic constraints, while it is also unacceptable to many speakers. Using judgments from a consultant who accepts this construction as well as examples drawn from the Internet, I show that the syntactic properties of like …