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中國古代音樂文學的創作模式, Jian-Hua Zhang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

中國古代音樂文學的創作模式主要有“以樂從辭”“選辭配樂”“由樂定辭”三種。“以樂從辭”的創作機理是“聲依永，律和聲”，這與“由樂定辭”的創作機理正好相反，“由樂定辭”的創作機理乃是“永依聲”。“選辭配樂”的創作機理是選既成之辭配入既成之曲，既有對辭的“拼湊分割”，亦有對曲的“填實虚聲”。“元狩、元鼎”與“開元、天寶”是三種創作模式轉折的兩個關鍵的時間節點，伴隨創作模式之變更，辭樂關係也隨之發生一定的微妙變動。

Yi yue cong ci 以樂從辭 (lit., to compose the melody according to the lyrics), xuan ci pei yue 選辭配樂 (lit., to select an existing lyrics to match an existing melody), and you yue ding ci 由樂定辭 (lit., to write the lyrics according to the melody) are the three major creative modes of classical Chinese musical literature. Yi yue cong ci’s mechanism is sheng yi yong, lü he sheng 聲依永, 律和聲 (the sound relies on the singing, and pitch-pipes harmonize sound), while you yue ding ci’s mechanism is the opposite yong yi sheng 永依聲 (the singing relies on …

以夏變夷 : 晚明“天下全圖”的域外知識來源與製圖觀, Yawei Liu

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

曹君義《天下九邊分野人跡路程全圖》爲晚明出現的一種複合型“世界地圖”，它以變形南、北美洲大陸爲海島的繪圖方式爲特徵，雖吸收部分西學地理内容，但該圖並非受利瑪竇地圖直接影響。本文通過比對圖中美、歐、非洲的圖像特徵與文字内容，認爲其參考自傳教士艾儒略的《萬國全圖》，而另一種以諸多小島表現域外國家的製圖方式（如梁輈《乾坤萬國全圖古今人物事跡》），則受利瑪竇地圖影響。因此，依照域外知識來源，可將明清流傳的含有職方國與《山海經》神話之國的世界地圖分爲三類：九邊型全圖、四海五洲型全圖、四海島夷型全圖。這些結合中西地理知識、帶有想象色彩的早期世界地圖，反映了晚明地理製圖由關注“九邊”到“以夏變夷”的一種觀念變化。

Cao Junyi’s 曹君義 Tianxia jiubian fenye renji lucheng quantu 天下九邊分野人跡路程全圖 (Complete Map of the Allotted Fields, Human Traces, and Routes within and without the Nine Borders under Heaven) is a composite “world map” in the late Ming dynasty. This map followed Chinese cartographic tradition to place China in the center and represented Southern and Northern Americas as islands. Although it absorbed some knowledge about Western geography, it was not directly influenced by the map made by Matteo Ricci. This article provides comparisons of the map’s visual representations and texts about Americas, Europe, and Africa, and concludes that its major …

上古漢語中的重疊及其演變 : Ａｂｂ式形容詞詞法模式的歷時形成, Xiufang Dong

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

ＡＡ式疊音詞在上古漢語中已經出現，主要是作爲實詞使用。上古漢語中的疊音詞很多在後代消失了，有的作爲習語的組成部分保留下來，有的在後來發展爲複合詞的組成部分，有的進一步發生了詞法化，變成了形容詞的詞綴。重疊形式變爲形容詞詞綴並廣泛使用是唐代以後的事。本文主要討論ＡＢＢ式形容詞詞法模式的歷時形成過程及機制，並指出其中的疊音後綴從性質上看屬於評價性形態，具有較强的主觀性。考察評價性形態的形成與演變是漢語語法化研究的一個獨特的待開展的方面。

Reduplication forms (AA forms) occurred in Old Chinese, which functioned as content words. Some of them disappeared at a later stage, some others became the component of idioms, and still others became component of compounds which further became affix through the process of morphologization. This paper explores the process and mechanisms of the evolution of ABB pattern for adjectives. The reduplication affix in the pattern belongs to evaluative morphology in nature, having strong subjectivity. Studying on the origin and change of evaluative morphology should be a promising and especially needed aspect in the grammaticalization research of Chinese.

論從上古到中古的字調流變現象, Hongyan Liu, Maopeng Paul Ma

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

字調流變是指從上古到中古的語音演變過程中個别字的調類轉移。要確定某字的上古調類，可資利用的材料有上古韻文及通假字。周祖謨先生據上古韻文考證出了若干中古爲上、去聲，上古惟讀平聲的古今異調字。本文據簡帛通假補苴周説，同時結合經籍舊注、漢魏六朝韻文嘗試勾勒這些字聲調流變的過程。關於字調流變的原因，有些可能與變調構詞有關，有些尚需深入研究。聲調源於韻尾假説，其後置韻尾的構擬與中古調類一一對應，難以解釋字調流變現象。

Sporadic tonal conversion refers to the phenomenon that a small amount of characters belonging to one tone in Old Chinese evolved into another tone in Middle Chinese. There are two kinds of documents which can be used for the identification of the tone of a character in Old Chinese, i.e., verse and phonetic loan characters. In this paper, we made in-depth exploration of the phonetic loan characters from the inscriptions on bamboo slips, old annotations of classics and verse to outline the process of sporadic tonal conversion. And the reasons why this conversion happened were also discussed.

《史記》八主祭祀的鉤沉與推演 : 傳世文獻與考古材料的對勘研究舉例, Rui Wang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

八主祭祀是指對天、地、兵、陰、陽、月、日、四時八種對象的祭祀。它們的祠祀地點分佈在今山東半島即齊之分野上，三個在中部，餘在東部沿海。八主祭祀僅見於《史記》《漢書》，曾經得到秦始皇、秦二世、漢武帝和漢宣帝的祭祀，公元前３１年郊祀制確立後，在國家祀典上被廢止。通過傳世文獻與考古材料比對揭示，八主應爲東方思想家以宇宙觀爲基礎所創設的祭祀體系，利用了戰國時期的地方祠址，重新排布了八主的祭祀地點，利用秦皇漢武對東方實施經略的機會，成功兜售了他們的宗教思想。八主祭祀所體現的宇宙論式的祭祀觀、人與自然的關係以及陰陽對等的宗教理念，對中國國家宗教郊祀制影響深遠。

The Eight Deities were the spirits of Heaven, the Land, Arms, the Sun, the Moon, the Yin, the Yang, and the Four Seasons, to whom sacrificial were presented. The sacrificial spots are located scatteredly in the State of Qi on the map of Han Star-field system, three of whom in the heart land of the Shandong Peninsula, and the others in the east-coastal areas.

The historical texts on the Eight Deities only appear in the Shiji and the Hanshu. It is recorded that the sacrifices were presented to the Eight Deities only when the emperors of Qin and Han …

新見漢牘《史篇一》《史篇二》校讀札記, Chirui Hu

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

本文在《新見漢牘〈蒼頡篇〉〈史篇〉校釋》整理者工作的基礎上，對新刊《新見漢牘〈蒼頡篇〉〈史篇〉校釋》中的《史篇一》《史篇二》進行校讀。校讀工作主要包括兩方面的内容：一是指出誤識或未識的文字１２則，這些誤識和未識的文字多與漢隸字形有關；二是指出誤注或缺注的詞語１２則，這些誤注和缺注的詞語多具漢代用詞特色。通過對這些文字與詞語的校讀，可以明顯感覺到這批蒙書材料濃厚的漢代味道，這似乎很難作假。

On the basis of the work of the arranger, this paper proofreads the Shi Pian I and Shi Pian II in the new issue “the collation of Cangjie Pian and Shi Pian in newly discovered bamboo slips”. The work of proofreading mainly includes two aspects. The first is to point out 12 unrecognized characters, most of which are related to the misidentify of Han Li characters; and the second is to point out 12 misannotated or unexplained words, most of which have the characteristics of words used in Han Dynasty. Through the proofreading of these characters and words in …

《莊子》寓言故事主體的擬人名和動物名研究, Xiaowei Su

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

《莊子》寓言含義與現代寓言含義並非完全一致，在他的“泛寓言”體系下，自創的擬人名、精心選擇或獨創的動物名是其思想講述中的兩種故事主體名字類型。通過這種命名方式，莊子使抽象思想具體化，讓讀者以擬人名或動物名爲媒介，拓寬了審美想像的空間，引發情與理的契合，使讀者體驗到字面意義之外的思想含義。在這個過程中，莊子隱藏自身存在位置，讓不同擬人名和動物名類主體獲得獨立和自由，且部分主體具備主體間性，還讓擬人名和動物名的含義規範着寓言叙述結構；同時從文體發展來看，這種命名方式也對漢賦主體命名及構思有重要的影響。

The allegory meaning of “Zhuangzi” is not completely consistent with the meaning of modern allegories. Under the system of his broad-allegory, self-made anthropomorphic names, carefully chosen or original animal names are the two main name types in his thoughts. Through this method of naming, Zhuangzi concretized abstract thoughts, allowing readers to use anthropomorphic names or animal names as media, which broadened the space for aesthetic imagination, triggered the match between emotion and reason, and enabled readers to experience ideological meaning beyond the literal meaning. In this process, Zhuangzi hid his own existence position, allowed the subjects of different anthropomorphic …

《五經文字》引石經輯考 : 兼論漢魏石經在唐代的接受, Yongxin Gu

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

漢魏石經至隋唐時期已十不存一，但拓本傳承有緒，藏於祕府，“相承以爲七經正字”。唐代祕書省校書郎和正字專司“正定文字”，其中大篆和八分即源出石經（古文當亦如是），國子監書學博士的專業亦有“石經三體”。作爲正字運動的重要成果之一，大曆中張參所編《五經文字》直接援引漢石經（間及魏石經隸書）作爲字頭和部首字形的重要來源之一，後在開成中與九經三傳一道雕鐫上石。這樣，唐石經之中反映了漢魏石經文字形體的部分信息。本文悉數輯出《五經文字》明確稱引石經字頭和部首字形，並略取漢魏石經殘字可與其相對應者比較互證。本文所輯石經字形可以在一定程度上擴充已知漢魏石經的數量，豐富有關漢字隸楷演變細節的認知，對於石經和文字學研究也都有一定的積極意義。

The Stone Classics (石經) of Han (漢) and Wei (魏) survived little into Sui (隋) and Tang (唐), but the rubbings were preserved and handed down in good orders as an important reference to collating the content of the Classics (經). Editors of Palace Library (祕書省校書郎) and Proofreaders (正字) in Tang were specially responsible for collating the characters, among which the big-seal (大篆) and Bafen (八分) characters originated from the Stone Classics (so was Guwen 古文). Some Erudite of Calligraphy School (書學博士) in the Directorate of Education (國子監) also majored in the three styles of the Stone Classics (石經三體). …

陳鱣《禮記參訂》稿鈔本八種考述, Bingbing Zhao, Yucai Liu

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

清代乾嘉學者陳鱣，向以藏書家著名。其人實則精究鄭、許之學，著書頗富，惟因遺稿多佚而聲名不彰於學術史。本文旨在調查陳鱣所著《禮記參訂》一書之版本，考察今日所見八種稿鈔本之流傳情形，並梳理其版本譜系，以便日後整理是書。與此同時，借兹個案，可以窺探古人著述流傳之不易，並見鈔本文化至近世藏書家仍未衰歇也。

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the editions of Liji CanDing (《禮記參訂》) written by Chen Zhan (陳鱣), a scholar in Qing Dynasty. Firstly, we found eight copies of the book through the investigation. Secondly, we find out the writing and circulation of these editions according to the literature records. Finally, we sort out the relationship between these editions through edition collation.

從史實論六朝標準音與商周雅言, Gang Xu

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

六朝學者的標準音觀念，本質上是以當時的權威方言音系，來規範讀書音。顔之推之所以將標準音定爲金陵音與洛下音兩個，是因爲這兩個權威方言的差别本來就不大，可以認爲是同一個音系。雖然有權威方言存在，但是現實生活中實際的“通語”，是參雜各種方音成分的漢語變體。“洛生詠”也并非標準的洛陽讀書音，而是吟誦的音調。商周時期的雅言的狀況與此相似。周人克商，有意識地進行了政治、宗教等意識形態領域的變革。《詩經》的雅是西周朝廷的雅樂，二南是各國諸侯的雅樂。從雅樂與政治意識形態的變革，語音與樂律水土的關係的角度，可以推斷西周初年雅言的標準音經歷了從殷商的政治中心安陽淇縣一帶向洛陽地區過渡的過程，從此奠定了洛陽方言長期作爲漢語權威方言的格局。

The real meaning of “standard pronunciation” appeared in the middle ages is to standardize the pronunciation of the literacy language by choosing out an authority dialect. The reason that YAN Zhitui choose two dialects, the Jin Ling dialect and the Luo Yang dialect, as the standard phonologies, is that the two phonologies are almost the same, so that they can be deemed as one phonology. Although there exists the received authority dialect, the real “standard pronunciation” at that time is a kind of “complex pronunciation” mixed with the speakers’ native dialects. The famous word “Luo Sheng Yong” does not …

漢藏語言研究對漢語研究的啓示 : 音類、音值及演化生態, Feng Wang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

本文基於筆者對漢藏語言（尤其是白語）的研究，對漢語的研究提供一些參考意見。漢藏語言的譜系結構是大的研究背景，無論是漢藏比較還是漢語研究，都需要考慮將所探討的問題建立在更可靠的前提假設之下，同源抑或借用的判斷都應有切實的證據。語言中的音類，尤其是原始語言中的音類，應根據語音對應（如：漢語去聲和入聲在白語中對應）；音值方面的擬測可根據語音學的進展而更新完善，比如，現在對聲調的理解已經遠不限於基頻的變化了（如：白語中的發聲類型）；語言隨着言者的變化而變化，而言者在不同情形下的交際狀况就構成了演化生態，可以從大的生態角度出發，來理解一些複雜的變異（如：白語中的否定）。白語是漢語的姐妹語言，白語研究中的這些方面或許能拓寬漢語研究的視野。

Based on previous studies on Sino-Tibetan languages (mostly, the Bai language) by the author, this paper tends to provide some cues for studies on Chinese. The genetic structure of Sino-Tibetan languages offers the general background. Either Sino-Tibetan comparison or Chinese studies, may need a sustainable hypothesis. Either cognates or loanwords should be clearly identified with substantial evidence. Phonological categories, especially those of protolanguages, should be derived from sound correspondences, such as, the correspondences in the Bai language to Chinese departure tone and entering tone. The reconstruction of phonetic value may update with the advance of modern phonetics. For instance, …

齊一變至於魯，魯一變至於道 : 論顧、江、段的古韻研究, Tong Zhao

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

顧炎武離析《唐韻》，建立了第一個科學意義上的古韻系統，但是由於没有擺脱韻緩説的影響，他所分的十部還不是嚴格意義上的韻部。江永徹底摒棄韻緩説，明確了韻部的概念，是古音學之一變。但是由於未能脱離今音的局限，江永的分部也未能至善。段玉裁突破今音的束縛，是古音學之又一巨變。

With the method of dividing part of rhymes of Tangyun (唐韻), Gu Yanwu (顧炎武) established the first scientific system of Old Chinese rhyme group. However, because he did not get rid of the influence of the theory of near-rhyme (韻緩説), his ten groups are not proper rhyme groups. Jiang Yong (江永) abandoned the theory of near-rhyme and clarified the definition of rhyme group, which was a development of the study on Old Chinese phonology. However, due to the limitation of Mandarin pronunciation, Jiang’s division of rhyme groups is not perfective. Duan Yucai (段玉裁) broke the boundaries of Mandarin pronunciation, …

從《尚書》古寫本看《尚書》文本的演變 : 兼談今古文《尚書》文字判定的標準, Jianping Xu

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

《尚書》有伏生一系所傳《今文尚書》，有孔安國所傳壁中《古文尚書》，有晚出隸古定《尚書》，因爲《今文尚書》與壁中《古文尚書》均已失傳，晚出隸古定《尚書》經唐朝衛包改字，所存最早全文爲《唐石經》。故清代學者考定《今文尚書》與壁中《古文尚書》之文字，皆以《唐石經》的《古文尚書》中被認爲是真書的３３篇作爲基礎材料。但《唐石經》已被衛包改爲今字，而且距隸古定《尚書》面世已達五百多年，其間輾轉傳抄，應有不少有意改動與無意致誤者。文章通過七例敦煌與日本古寫本的異文，對前賢所論漢代今古文《尚書》文字的結論及其文字的判定標準提出疑問，認爲在判定漢代今古文《尚書》文字時應該充分利用早期寫本文獻，並從文本演變的角度思考《尚書》文字判定的標準問題。

There are 3 versions of Shangshu (尚書) , including Jinwen Shangshu (今文尚書) inherited from Fu Sheng (伏生), Guwen Shangshu (古文尚書) excavated in the wall of Confucius’ old house and read by Kong An-guo, and the “liguding (隸古定)” edition which is also known as Faked Guwen Shangshu (僞古文尚書). While the first two didn’t come down, the last one was withal transformed to a kaishu (楷書) version by Wei Bao (衛包) in Tang Dynasty, which was written in Tangshijing (唐石經), the earliest intact edition of Shangshu that we can watch today. The scholars of Qing Dynasty researched the characters of Jinwen …

周馥易學思想闡微 : 《易理匯參》校讀筆記, Fan-Chih Meng

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

周馥是中國近代歷史上赫赫有名的人物，晚清名臣，事功之外，著作亦夥，俱見“學涉淵廣，精義入神，有非經生家所能幾及，而平生志在經世，不欲以文章自名”。所著《易理匯參》，於天下“殃慶倚伏之故，邪正消長之原”，尤所措意，字裏行間，灼然自見；與晚年所著《負暄閒語》並參，可知見其思想趣寄，及家事、國事、天下事，時縈回胸際。揆諸清代特别是晚清易學史研究，《易理匯參》能於“經學易”、“理學易”兩分之下，既不拘於“經學易”之迂腐，亦不陷於“象數易”之迷信，超越“窮理”與“盡性”，自具面貌，賦予易學研究以時代體悟及“新命”，非惟篤守專家，按文究例，或隨以引伸，誠所難能，亦可謂晚清易學史發展之一重要成績。且從家族史研究角度來看，《易理匯參》與《負暄閒語》堪屬内外篇，内者明於理本，外則語其事蹟，循循導誘者矣。

As a famous scholar-official of the late Qing dynasty, Chou Fu (1837—1921) is an important figure in late imperial and modern Chinese history. Although he was not well-known for his study of the Book of Changes, his work Yili huican that expresses his thoughts and interests on the study of this text is worth reading. There were two schools in the study of the Book of Changes during the Qing dynasty: one focuses on the philological study of the contents and the other, on the philosophical one. Chou Fu maintained a middle way between the two. He was able …

社而賦事與賦法的早期生成, Shenggao Cao

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

魯文伯之母敬姜所言的“社而賦事”，點明了在社祀時賦事功能的方式，可以作爲觀察賦事制度運行的入口。周代賦政系統中，賦職事、政事的實踐不斷功能化、抒情化，促成了賦法的完善。《夏書》所言的“賦納以言”傳統，强化了賦言的藝術性。賦政、賦事機制對賦法、賦詩的促成，是研究賦法起源與形成不可忽略的歷史語境。

She er fu shi, said by Jingjiang, the mother of Wenbo of Lu, points out the functions and fashions of assigning duties during communal worship, which can serve as the entry point for observing the working of the system of duty assignment. The increasing functionalization and lyricization of the assigning of official duties and government affairs in the administrative system of the Zhou Dynasty had contributed to improving the fu fa (rhapsodical technique). The fu na yi yan (heeding verbal advice) tradition recorded in Xia shu (Book of Xia) emphasizes the artistic quality of fu yan (the use of …

論潘之淙《書法離鈎》的書法美學中心思想, Hanglun Zhan, Shuling Huang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

明代學者潘之淙《書法離鈎》一書所表述的書法美學中心思想是“取法”與“離法”之間的辯證關係，潘之淙所描述的書法家從“得鈎”、“吞鈎”到“離鈎”的過程，展示出藝術修養的三段式規律：即立志取法→精通法則→離開法則，最後到達無法而法的高妙境地。這與禪學修養的三段式規律是密切相通的。

Ming-dynasty scholar Pan Zhicong’s Shufa ligou (Calligraphy Off the Hook) emphasizes the dialectical relationship between qufa (acquire the rules) and lifa (desert the rules). Pan describes a caligrapher’s three-step process from degou (on the hook), to tungou (master the hook), and to ligou (off the hook), which demonstrates the three phases of his artistic accomplishment: from adopt, to master, and to desert the rules and finally achieve the highest form of artistic freedom. This is closely related to the three stages of Zen Buddhist cultivation.

唐代比興觀辨析 : 以詩格爲中心, Wanmin Zhang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

比興是一個本義和衍生義層疊交織而形成的觀念。唐代的比興觀，除了陳子昂、殷璠等人的論述之外，詩格中有更爲豐富的呈現；詩格之中，除了“物象比興”之外，還可見到起興、感興等議題。本文以詩格爲中心，力圖避免以後來的視角解釋古人的觀念，希望回到唐代詩格文本的脈絡，分析唐人如何看待詩歌發端之“興”、尤其是如何看待現代學者重視的原始歌謡式“起興”，又如何看待感興中的心物關係、尤其是現代學者重視的由物及心式“感興”。

The concept of bi xing (analogical and affective image) evolves with the dynamic relation between the original meaning and the derived meaning. Its development in the Tang dynasty could be examined better in Shige (Rules of Poetry), then prevailing poetic manual, than in the writings of Chen Zi’ang, Yin Fan, and others which have attracted most attention, as the former contains the discussions of different types of xing such as qi xing (image that raises the affect) and gan xing (image that stirs the affect). This article avoids explaining the early concept in terms of later usage and modern …

隱士逸民與出處進退 : 清儒論“隱”, Kat Hung Cheng

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

本文試論中國傳統隱士逸民，動機並非純粹的出世，而多牽纏於功名節操等世俗價值的考慮，終而産生矛盾掙扎的心情。隱逸始終擺脱不了士大夫靈魂中經世致用的宿命，故未出仕時因盼望帝王賞識而患得患失，改朝换代時則身不由己，藉隱退以保存名節。出處進退，多糾纏於世俗的政治取態與表態，造成了避世的不徹底、不純粹。他們退隱心情的主旋律，既非對山林自然的嚮往，亦非對生命價值的解放，而是出於世俗牽絆，帶有政治理想、動機、價值的曲折投射。有清一代儒者面對滿洲部族政治壓抑，提出貞隱、學隱、尊隱三種觀念，從不同角度作新詮解，部分印證了隱逸的世俗羈絆，同時亦有發前人所未發的意義新境。

This paper reexamines the rationale of eremitism in the Chinese political tradition and argues that the recluses’ considerations were highly pragmatic rather than idealistic. Ever since ancient times, jingshi (ordering the world), the pursuit of a career in the officialdom so as to ameliorate the state and society, had been the ultimate goal of the literati. Before they entered government service, their speculations and thoughts on yin (withdrawal) were often the results of their anxieties over the emperors’ potential actions concerning official selections and appointments. When facing a new regime, the literati’s original identity with the fallen dynasty motivated …

北魏墓誌文獻所見入北琅琊王氏 : 兼論宣武、孝明帝時期對待入北南人態度的轉變, Xi Jin

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

北魏宣武、孝明二帝統治時期，雖然與南朝始終處於戰爭狀態，但是北魏内部對於南朝入北士族的態度，卻較孝文帝時期，發生了相當明顯的變化。這使得入北南朝士人得以更加深入地參與北魏的文化建設與文學活動，爲北魏後期乃至東魏北齊時期北方士人熱切學習南朝文學的風氣打下基礎。但是歸根到底，造成這種態度轉變的原因，並不在於南朝文化處於絶對優勢，而是北魏政權正統性的確立，政治文化局面的變化，以及北魏上層因此進行的自主選擇。本文選取入北瑯琊王氏成員群體作爲個案，通過研究其居處與葬地、婚姻仕宦、參與文化活動的情況以及墓誌文本，對琅琊王氏融入北魏社會的過程進行探討，從而進一步分析這一群體入北後對於北方文化進程的影響，以及從中體現出的，北魏上層對待入北南人，乃至南朝文化的態度變化。

This article focuses on the Langya Wang Clan members’ migration from the Liang dynasty to the Northern Wei dynasty and discusses the Clan’s integration into the Northern Wei society by examining multifarious aspects of their life, including residences, burial places, marriages into imperial and noble families, political careers, literary activities, and epitaphs. During the rules of Emperor Xuanwu and Emperor Xiaoming in the Northern Wei dynasty, the Langya Wang Clan’s cultural influence led to a distinct change of the court’s attitude toward the immigrants from the southern dynasties. This article argues that the reasons for this change of attitude …

葉清臣行年攷 (上), Caizhi Chen

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

葉清臣既是北宋文學家，也是高節莫屈的一代名臣，然其生卒年與籍貫説法不一，行年亦有待詳攷。經梳理原始史料，比對有關記載，攷得葉清臣卒於宋仁宗皇祐元年（1049）四、五月之際，享年五十歲，逆推當生於宋真宗咸平三年（1000）。其郡望爲南陽，籍貫當爲湖州烏程，後徙寓蘇州長洲。其他行年及撰述等亦多有詳攷。

Ye Qingchen, an official of esteemed integrity, was a respected literatus in the Northern Song dynasty. There are variant records of the years of his birth and death as well as of his place of birth. This article compares these records and concludes that Ye Qingchen died at the age of fifty and between April and May 1049 CE which is the first year of the Huangyou era during the reign of Emperor Renzong of Song, and was born in 1000 CE which is the third year of the Xianping era during the reign of Emperor Zhenzong of Song. …

先秦賦研究論著敘録, Fan Zong

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

新時期（1978—）的先秦賦研究取得了輝煌成績。在文獻整理方面，吳廣平輯校的《宋玉集》（2001）、高志明《宋玉四家注集釋與彙評》（2014）、劉剛《宋玉研究資料類編》（2015）最見功力；在作品真僞和藝術成就方面，主要有朱碧蓮《宋玉辭賦譯解》（1987）、高秋鳳《宋玉作品真僞考》（1999）、吳廣平《宋玉研究》（2004）、劉剛《宋玉辭賦考》（2011）等多種；在辭賦普及方面，又有袁梅《宋玉辭賦今讀》（1986）、金榮權《宋玉辭賦箋評》（1991）、曹文心《宋玉辭賦》（2006）等。此外，葉舒憲《高唐神女與維納斯》（1997）、魯瑞菁《聖婚與聖宴》（2013）、江柳《宋玉辭賦的美學解讀》（2014）、姚守亮《宋玉辭賦語法修辭研究》（2015）分别從原型批評、神話學、美學和語言學角度深化了對宋玉辭賦的研究。值得一提的是，學術界組織的宋玉國際學術研討會已召開四次，每次都能收到學術論文近百篇，並且結集出版，有力地促進了宋玉賦研究的深化與拓展。但是在熱鬧局面的背後，亦有諸多值得檢討的問題：學術界對荀子賦的研究尚嫌薄弱，表現出重宋玉而輕荀子的傾向；對於先秦賦的俗文學性質，也期待能够有新的突破；低水準重複的著作甚多，激情有餘而創新不足。

Since 1978, the research on Pre-Qin rhapsody has seen great achievements. Song Yu ji (Collected Works of Song Yu; 2001) annotated by Wu Guangping, Song Yu sijia zhu jishi yu huiping (Four Commentators’ Collected Annotations and Commentaries on Song Yu’s Rhapsody; 2014) compiled by Gao Zhiming, and Song Yu yanjiu ziliao leibian (Collected Research Materials on Song Yu; 2015) edited by Liu Gang are among the best publications in the area of archival research. Outstanding among the research on the authenticity and achievements of Song Yu’s works are Zhu Bilian’s Song Yu ci fu yijie (Interpretations of Song Yu’s …

《詞韻選雋》與乾隆時代詞韻編纂思想, Boyang Ni

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

乾隆朝是詞韻編纂的轉捩期，對於沈謙開創的詞韻編纂範式多有揚棄。應澧所作《詞韻選雋》是體現該時期詞韻韻書編纂思想的重要成果，但尚未爲人關注。今南京圖書館藏《詞韻選雋》抄本或爲應澧原稿本，具有重要的研究價值。在詞韻分部上該書將入聲分爲四部，與今人利用統計學得到的結果只在一個《廣韻》韻部上有出入，體現出作者高超的審音功力。在創作觀念上該書强調詞韻要獨立於詩韻之外；韻目以《廣韻》爲主；不能將詞韻與古詩韻相混淆；審音應以宋人的雅音爲依據，不能兼採鄉音。這些觀念一方面糾正了沈謙的偏失，一方面開戈載之先聲，能够與《學宋齋詞韻》《榕園詞韻》一起代表乾隆時代詞韻家的編纂思想。

The reign of Emperor Qianlong of the Qing dynasty is a pivotal time for the compilation of ci rhymes and the compilers at the time deserted the methods of compilation initiated by Shen Qian. Ying Li’s Ciyun xuanjuan (Selected Ci Rhymes) is an important embodiment of the thoughts of the compilation of ci rhymes at the time, but it has not attracted sufficient scholarly treatments. Of great research value is the copy collected in the Nanjing Library, which is probably Ying Li’s original manuscript. Ciyun xuanjuan’s rhyme section is divided into four parts according to the entering tone. There …

論《群書治要》去取《史記》之敘事原則, Ming Kay Poon

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

《群書治要》乃唐人魏徵等奉唐太宗之命而編，其用意在於“昭德塞違，勸善懲惡”。惟歷代典籍眾多，遂於群籍之中，擇其“務乎政術”者，“以備勸戒，爰自六經，訖乎諸子，上始五帝，下盡晉年，凡爲五袠，合五十卷，本求治要，故以治要爲名”。此書引用經、史、子三部之典籍共65種。其中卷一一至卷三〇爲史部，引用史部典籍六種，包括《史記》一卷半、《吳越春秋》半卷、《漢書》八卷、《後漢書》四卷、《三國志》四卷、《晉書》兩卷。其中《漢書》八卷僅存六卷，有兩卷在《治要》佚文之列也。《史記》載録三千年史事之於一事，上起黄帝，下訖漢武，共五十二萬六千五百字。《漢書》載西漢二百年史事，成八十萬字。然在《治要》之中，僅載《史記》一卷半，而《漢書》有八卷之多，比例懸殊，發人深思。本篇之撰，以《治要》所載《史記》爲根據，討論其去取《史記》之原則與精神，並見其如何體現《治要》“昭德塞違，勸善懲惡”之主旨。

Qunshu zhiyao (The Governing Principles of Ancient China) , compiled by Wei Zheng and others under the order of Emperor Taizong of the Tang dynasty, aimed to exhort virtues and punish vice. Qunshu zhiyao was only able to include those that were helpful to the regime. The texts as admonitions to later generations included in Qunshu zhiyao were the Confucius classics or written by ancient sages, covering the period from the Five Emperors to the Jin dynasty. “Zhiyao” in its title emphasizes the purpose of this book. Among the sixty-five classics selected into Qunshu zhiyao, Volume Eleven to Thirty …

崑山與安期 : 謝靈運《登江中孤嶼》詩新解 : 兼及謝靈運與早期上清傳記《馬君傳》之關係, Jing Li

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

在謝靈運的《登江中孤嶼》一詩中，最後的四句常被詬病爲不和諧的“玄言的尾巴”。由此提出的問題是，本詩的敘事寫景和説理抒情之間有什麽邏輯關係？另外，“崑山”和“安期”，從表面上看分别代表不同的神話（神仙）系統，那麽，“想像崑山姿”二句與“始信安期術”二句之間又有什麽樣的聯繫？

要解決上述問題，關鍵在於對“崑山”和“安期”的理解。這裏的崑山，指向的不是西王母，而是《馬君傳》中的太真夫人，安期也不是《史記》和《列仙傳》中的安期，而是《馬君傳》中的安期先生。謝靈運《山居賦》中有“安期先生是馬明生之師”的表述，這一情節當來自《馬君傳》。故本文試圖從該傳的知識背景出發，對此詩作一全新的解讀，並對謝靈運和《馬君傳》之間的關係作一考證。

The last four lines of Xie Lingyun’s poem “Deng jiang zhong guyu” (On Climbing Isolated Island in the River) has been criticized as a disharmonious xuanyan de weiba (tail to subtle words). This criticism raises the question as to what the logical connection between the descriptive narrative and the lyrical reasoning in the poem is. Besides, as Mount Kun and Scholar Anqi appear to belong to different mythological genealogies, what is the relationship between “imagining the beauty of the Kun Mount” and “believing in Master Anqi’s magic arts”? Understanding Kun Mount and Master Anqi correctly is the key …

中國文學的“興寄”傳統, Liyang Ma

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

“興寄”作爲中國古典詩學重要理論概念廣爲接受，但勘察中國文學的“實際”，它本是以比類與托喻爲表徵的自由疏放的抒情方式。伴隨“楚騷”躋身“詩三百篇”同等的地位，“興寄”被吸納入“詩教比興”的系統而呈現出“隱曲”的特徵。宋代以來對“直筆”式“詩史”之批評更爲强調褒貶的寄寓，又推助“興寄”走向詩歌意義層面的“深微”。“深婉隱曲”的“興寄”衍生出兩種批評方案：“知人論世—詩史互證”與“微言大義—興感超越”。前者取決於文本内在結構的細微把握，如陸注蘇詩、錢注杜詩等；後者更加凸顯文本自身的獨立意義，如常州派的“詞史”批評等。儘管“興寄”走到過字義比附帶來的“僵化”、歷史闡釋的强勢介入所出現的“羈絆”以及由“興感”的“氾濫”導致的喧賓奪主，但在中國文學長河中始終具備有變動不居、生氣淋漓的“文學傳統”之表徵，實際成爲中國文學本體的核心“存在”

Xing ji (inspirational irony and images of substitution) is an important and widely accepted theoretical concept of Chinese classical poetics. Previous research on classical Chinese writings shows that xing ji had been a free and unrestrained lyricism characterized by analogy and metaphor. As Chuci (Songs of Chu) achieved the same status as Shijing (Classics of Poetry), xing ji was absorbed into the system of shi jiao (instruction through poetry) and bi xing (analogical and affective image), and it consequently adopted the feature of obscurity. Xing ji was further driven toward profundity and subtlety at the semantic level by the …

先秦諸子開幕式與閉幕式, Yi Yang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

孔子於魯昭公三十一年赴洛陽問禮於老聃，老聃傳授的道和禮，孔子接受並加以改造的以仁和孝爲核心的禮，開啟了春秋戰國諸子百家争鳴的源頭。三百年後，荀子招收韓非、李斯爲徒，以帝王術统率思想，給諸子百家争鳴畫上一個句號。這就是先秦諸子百家的開幕式和閉幕式。

In the 31st year of the Duke Zhao of Lu, Confucius went to Luoyang and consulted Laozi about li 禮 (ritual). Confucius re-conceptualized with ren 仁 (benevolence) and xiao 孝 (familial piety) as the cores. The exchange between Confucius and Laozi marks the beginning of the Contention of a Hundred Schools of Thought. Three hundred years later, Xunzi mentored Han Fei and Li Si and taught them the art of rulership which puts an end to the centuries-long Concention. Such are its beginning and end.

華夷之辨、華夷之辯 : 從《左傳》談起, Wai-Yee Li

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

蠻、夷、戎、狄等稱謂可以是具體專指，亦可以是類别泛稱，但是中文没有一個字或詞涵蓋所有外族，同時貫撤始終地包羅“外來”與“野蠻”的語意。論者多謂《左傳》以及其他載籍中“我者”與“他者”的分際是文化習俗而非種族。但是文化習俗差異如何精準地界定，並不容易。本文探究三個問題。(1) 華夷之“辯”如何界定華夷之辨？戰事方式、土地運用、禮制儀節是否爲決定因素？楚、吳形象，爲何游移於“華化”與“夷化”之間？魯與“東夷”的關係，顯示“他者”的描摹與自我定位不可分割。同源近俗似乎正是衍生突顯差異的原動力。(2) 文化聯繫的存在或否定，往往建基於歷史回顧。承認“戎化”或刻意淡化與周的歷史淵源，可以是抗拒周王之要求、不受其羈縻的方法。相反的，重寫歷史，泯滅“他者”身份，也許是圖霸的途徑。作者分析“有史爲證”的辯論方式，探討華夷同、異的觀點如何藉重塑歷史尋找論據。(3) 貶損蠻、夷、戎、狄的論點往往出現於人物的言説，所以我們應該考慮“他者”屬性道德化背後的修辭框架。辯論的焦點可能是軍事策略、和與戰的選擇、“獻捷”的儀節、周王與盟主的關係等等。《左傳》透過追捕歷史事件的因果關係及歷史人物的動機，超越了簡單化、道德化的華夷之辨程式，呈現了一個複雜而多元的畫面。

There is no fixed categorical term for barbarians in Chinese. Specific groups are identified as “aliens” or “cultural others” through words like Man 蠻, Yi 夷, Rong 戎, and Di 狄, but all four terms can be specific or categorical. It is often said that the us-versus-them formula in Zuozhuan (and early Chinese texts in general) is cultural rather than ethnic, but precise definitions of cultural difference can be elusive. This article focuses on three issues regarding the representation of cultural difference: (1) Who is the barbarian? Can we find the decisive criterion in modes of …

今本何休《解詁》通用字辨, Jiyi Gao

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

何休之用字，有獨用、别用例，無通用例。獨用者，謂二字可通，但何氏止用一字。别用者,謂二字雖可通，然何氏分别其義，義既有别，則不得相通用。通用者，謂二字相通，或用此字，或用彼字，字雖相易，義則無殊。通用例與獨用、别用例相乖，今以何氏義例及《解詁》諸本相證，知今本《解詁》之通用字，乃後人傳寫改易。明乎此，則何氏《公羊》家法、今本《解詁》傳寫之譌亂，可以了然矣。

He Xiu’s diction is featured by use of exclusive characters and use of different characters rather than by use of interchangeable characters. Use of exclusive words means using only one character when two characters can be used interchangeably. Use of different words means though two interchangeable characters can be used to replace each other, He Xiu refuses to use them to replace each other because they differ in meaning. Use of interchangeable characters means two characters, though different in form, can be used interchangeably, for they express the same meaning. However, considering that use of exclusive characters and use …

更近本真：一位翰林學士筆下的非文人階層, Ronald Egan

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

洪邁 (1123—1202) 身世顯赫，身爲翰林學士與朝中史官，以《容齋随筆》見稱於世，卻編纂了卷軼浩瀚、多達三十二本集子的志怪小説集《夷堅志》。其所收集的故事往往牵涉到商人，以及階層更低的士兵、屠夫、侍從、娼妓等，是宋代菁英文人筆下很少見到的人物。而這些故事不是洪邁憑空虚構的，絶大多數來自知情人的口述，有些是洪邁的親友，不少在結尾處記下知情人的姓名與官職，身份可考證，足見提供消息的人真實可靠。因這些故事不像一般文學作品那麽程式化，筆下的社會底層人物也就不那麼充滿刻板印象，讓我們可藉以窺見當時菁英文人對平民的一些認知與看法，有些是出於我們意料之外的。

Yijian zhi, the massive collection of supernatural tales compiled by Hong Mai ( 1123 — 1202) in the twelfth century, gives considerable attention to merchant figures and even members of more lowly walks of life (e.g., soldiers, butchers, waiters, and singing girls). This is unexpected since Hong Mai himself was not just an imperial official but a particularly eminent one, whose appointments included Hanlin academician and court historian. Appearing in the tales, sometimes even as protagonists, are members of society whom the superelite like Hong Mai seldom even mention in their conventional literary and scholarly writings. …

古代東亞各國所見的大酺活動, Guoliang Ye

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

歷代施政，能受人民以歡樂心情迎接者，爲數不多，或歷時不久。筆者歷思往事，以爲實施時間久，百姓實質受惠大，而無太大弊端者，蓋有三事：一日鄉飲酒，二日養老，三日大酺。大酺一事，由朝廷允許百姓自由歡樂飲酒若干日。事自受人民歡迎，然自戰國晚葉趙國率先實施起，大盛於唐之高宗、則天兩朝，至宋朝猶見其尾聲，堪稱史上最受歡迎禮典之一。不僅此也，韓、日、越等東亞各國亦斷斷續續舉行大酺禮典，堪稱頗有意趣之活動，可惜學界多不甚注意。筆者以爲學界可研究之事本不爲少，且史上之佳話並非無有，故取歡樂之事研究之，似亦人生可爲之事，大酺活動不失爲其中一種。

Not many rulers in history received people’s warm welcome, at least not for long even if they did. The author argues long rulership that brought forth a thriving time and without fundamental flaws usually performed three rituals: 1. xiang yinjiu 鄉飲酒 (district wine drinking); 2. yang lao 養老 (veneration for the elderly); 3. da pu 大酺 (feasting). Da pu refers to the ritual that the royal court approved of people’s feasting and drinking for a few days. One of the most welcomed rituals in history, da fu started in the State of Zhao in the late Warring States period, …