Law and Politics Commons^™

The Moral Foundations Of Modern Libertarianism, Randy E. Barnett

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

Libertarians no longer argue, as they once did in the 1970s, about whether libertarianism must be grounded on moral rights or on consequences; they no longer act as though they must choose between these two moral views. In this paper, the author contends that libertarians need not choose between moral rights and consequences because theirs is a political, not a moral, philosophy, one that can be shown to be compatible with various moral theories, which is one source of its appeal.

Moral theories based on either moral rights or on consequentialism purport to be comprehensive, insofar as they apply to …

The Politics Of Embryonic Discourse, Kevin P. Quinn

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

In our brave new world of stem cells, clones, and parthenotes,l how should we talk about early human embryos? In fashioning a response to this very thorny question, Ann Kiessling has a core message. It is: (1) that new science produces "new" conceptuses; (2) that science and scientists have failed to differentiate (with appropriate clarity) these new ex vivo conceptuses from those created in vivo; (3) that new, more appropriate and scientifically-informed, terms are necessary; and (4) that this new language should transform the public discourse about human embryos. No one would deny that the subtleties of human embryology are …

Analyzing The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act Of 2002, Roy A. Schotland

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

The Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 ("BCRA") is the laboratory in campaign finance law. When analyzing BCRA, it is important to look at the Missouri state law that led to the Supreme Court case, Nixon v. Shrink Missouri Government PAC. In Shrink Missouri, five justices upheld Missouri's relatively low simple limit on contributions to candidates. The law in Missouri limited contributions by anyone to candidates, but there was no limit as to how much a person or entity could give to a political party committee or to a political action committee (PAC). Further, there was no limit on how …

The Secret Life Of The Political Question Doctrine, Louis Michael Seidman

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

"Questions, in their nature political, or which are, by the constitution and laws, submitted to the executive, can never be made in this court."

The irony, of course, is that Marbury v. Madison, itself, "made" a political question, and the answer the Court gave was deeply political as well. As everyone reading this essay knows, the case arose out of a bitter political controversy, and the opinion for the Court was a carefully crafted political document - "a masterwork of indirection," according to Robert McCloskey's well-known characterization, "a brilliant example of Chief Justice Marshall's capacity to sidestep danger while seeming …

Leaders, Followers, And Free Riders: The Community Lawyer’S Dilemma When Representing Non-Democratic Client Organizations, Michael R. Diamond, Aaron O'Toole

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

This article will explore various aspects of the dissonance between the democratic ideal and the reality of groups in disenfranchised and disempowered communities. We will discuss the intersection of democracy and community action by examining the sociology of groups and the social psychology of leaders and followers. We will also examine the role of, and choices presented to, an attorney working in a community and for local community groups.

A Different Kind Of "Republican Moment" In Environmental Law, Richard J. Lazarus

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

The purpose of this Essay is to propose and discuss the possibility that the nation currently faces another, albeit very different, "republican moment" that may well test the future of environmental protection laws in the United States. This new "moment" has as its modifier an uppercase "Republican" rather than a lowercase "republican." While the latter "republican" invokes the political tradition referred to as "civic republicanism," the former "Republican" refers instead to the current National Republican Party. The "moment" facing environmental law is the virtually unprecedented ascendancy of the Republican Party in all three branches of the federal government.

Proposed Legislation On Judicial Election Campaign Finance, Roy A. Schotland

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

In light of the recent extraordinary rise in judicial campaign spending, illustrated in Ohio's 2000 judicial elections (and elsewhere, and in Ohio again in 2002), we must consider improving the Model Code of Judicial Conduct. The 1999 amendments to the Code addressed campaign finance, but did not address two major problems. The first one is the absence of limits on aggregate contributions from law firms; only Texas has such limits. This gap allows large contributions from law firms to go to judges presiding in cases in which those firms participate, circumventing the recusal and disqualification triggers. The second problem is …

Alarmism Versus Moderation In Responding To The Rehnquist Court, Mark V. Tushnet

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

I begin in Part I by offering a description of the Supreme Court's recent decisions as a less substantial repudiation of prior principles than many think them to be, and as leaving Congress with the means to achieve a quite substantial proportion of the policy goals it pursued in the statutes the Court invalidated. Part II explains why Congress is unlikely to do so, in light of our apparent commitment to divided government, and parties that are organized around distinctive ideologies because of divided government. Part III turns to the prospect for continued policy transformation, identifying the conditions under which …

The Politics Of Public Health: A Response To Epstein, Lawrence O. Gostin, Maxwell Gregg Bloche

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

Conservatives are taking aim at the field of public health, targeting its efforts to understand and control environmental and social causes of disease. Richard Epstein and others contend that these efforts in fact undermine people’s health and well-being by eroding people’s incentives to create economic value. Public health, they argue, should stick to its traditional task—the struggle against infectious diseases. Because markets are not up to the task of controlling the transmission of infectious disease, Epstein says, coercive government action is required. But market incentives, not state action, he asserts, represent our best hope for controlling the chronic illnesses that …

The Art Of Legislative Lawyering And The Six Circles Theory Of Advocacy, Chai R. Feldblum

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

A "legislative lawyer" is a person who exists in Washington, D.C., and in almost every city and state in this country where legislation and administrative regulations are developed. But most people do not know who that person is or what that person does. In fact, most advocacy organizations that should be hiring legislative lawyers have no idea who a legislative lawyer is.

The author coined the term "legislative lawyer" when she created a Federal Legislation Clinic at the Georgetown University Law Center in Washington, D.C. over a decade ago. The author needed to explain to her faculty colleagues what type …

Brief Of Conference Of Chief Justices As Amicus Curiae Supporting Respondents, Republican Party Of Minnesota V. Kelly, No. 01-521 (U.S. Feb. 19, 2002), ., Roy A. Schotland

U.S. Supreme Court Briefs

No abstract provided.

Brief Amicus Curiae Of The Idaho Conservation League And The Louisiana Environmental Action Network In Support Of Neither Side, Republican Party Of Minnesota V. Kelly, No. 01-521 (U.S. Jan. 17, 2002), John D. Echeverria

U.S. Supreme Court Briefs

No abstract provided.

Republican Party Of Minnesota V. White: Should Judges Be More Like Politicians?, Roy A. Schotland

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

The Supreme Court's decision in Republican Party of Minnesota v. White shows how unrealistic five justices can be about what happens in judicial election campaigns, and also - ironically - about how much judges differ from legislators and others who run for office. This reality was captured concisely by Robert Hirshon, immediate past president of the American Bar Association (ABA) in his statement following the Court's ruling: "This is a bad decision. It will open a Pandora's Box.... " The decision will change judicial election campaigns in such a way that the quality of the pool of candidates for the …

Is The Rehnquist Court An "Activist" Court? The Commerce Cause Cases, Randy E. Barnett

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

In United States v. Lopez, the Supreme Court, for the first time in sixty years, declared an act of Congress unconstitutional because Congress had exceeded its powers under the Commerce Clause. In 2000, the Court reaffirmed the stance it took in Lopez in the case of United States v. Morrison, once again finding that Congress had exceeded its powers. Are these examples of something properly called "judicial activism"? To answer this question, we must clarify the meaning of the term "judicial activism." With this meaning in hand, the author examines the Court's Commerce Clause cases. The answer he …

Democracy And Legitimation: A Response To Professor Guinier, Louis Michael Seidman

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

This essay is a response to Supreme Democracy: Bush v. Gore Redux, an essay by Lani Guinier (2002).

The author critiques Professor Lani Guinier’s essay through a discussion of the maldistribution of wealth in American society, which he argues is accepted by American people thanks to the existence complex structures that allow them to distance themselves from it. He discusses four legitimation structures as he critiques this essay.

Professor Guinier focuses on the belief in meritocracy. For our purposes, we might define a believer in meritocracy as someone who thinks that, in a given society, people get more or less …

The Limits Of Being "Present At The Creation", Roy A. Schotland

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

Having been invited late to this Symposium and having read fewer than all essays, I offer, (with deep appreciation for the invitation), only mini-comments on three of the many valuable contributions: the essays by Professors Persily, Hasen, and Gerken. But first, at risk of pedantry, may I suggest changing the Symposium's title to something like "Baker and its Progeny .... (or "Baker, doughnuts, and holes"?). Most of the treatment seems to be about the progeny, as surely it should be. While of course everyone knows how far Baker went, what Reynolds did, and what was not done until after Reynolds, …

Judicial Campaign Conduct Committees, Roy A. Schotland, Barbara Reed

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

As the other papers presented at this Symposium make abundantly clear, the problems associated with inappropriate statements and conduct during judicial elections are unlikely to abate anytime soon. Bench and bar leaders across the country are being joined by a growing chorus of members of the media and the public in demands that something be done. As an initial step that requires relatively little yet holds great promise, the authors endorse the use of judicial campaign conduct committees as a means of long-term improvement.

Law And Prudence In The Law Of Justiciability: The Transformation And Disappearance Of The Political Question Doctrine, Mark V. Tushnet

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

This Essay develops the foregoing argument by examining, in Section I, the transformation of the political question doctrine from Baker v. Carr through Walter Nixon v. United States. Section II charts a similar, perhaps even more dramatic transformation of the law of standing. Section I then examines Bush v. Gore, explaining how older doctrines of standing and political questions might have been thought relevant there. It argues as well that the very fact that those doctrines went unmentioned by the Court shows why we must take a historically grounded view of justiciability doctrines. Section IV sketches the historical settings in …

Judicial Elections And Campaign Finance Reform, Roy A. Schotland

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

In the judicial realm, the issue of campaign finance cuts across all states that use any form of election as part of their selection or retention system, whether the elections are partisan or non-partisan. The raising of money for campaigns is a task that has to be performed in all states that use any form of election. Like many other things that we have discussed today it seems to involve a sort of balancing act. The state certainly has a strong interest in protecting the integrity of its judiciary and encouraging the public perception of the judiciary as an institution …

Tanf Reauthorization: Is Congress Acting On What We Have Learned?, Peter B. Edelman

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

There is only one sure way to make something happen in public policy and in politics, and that is to organize. Sometimes external events-the Great Depression, World War II, Vietnam, Watergate, September 11th, Enron, and MCI WorldCom-will make things happen of their own accord. But we can't wait for events to create opportunity, and many such stimuli are in fact things we don't want to happen. So it is up to us. And the time for organizing is not just when an issue is at the forefront. Organizing is needed to build interest and support on issues over a longer …

Reconstructing The Rule Of Law, Robin West

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

The action taken in Bush v. Gore by the five conservative Justices on the United States Supreme Court, Bugliosi argued, was not just wrong as a matter of law, but criminal: It was a malem in se, fully intended, premeditated theft of a national election for the Presidency of the United States. Now, as Balkan and Levinson would argue, this seventh, "prosecutorial" response -- that the Court's action was not just wrong but criminal -- is also not available to a devotee of either radical or moderate indeterminacy. Even assuming both criminal intent and severe harm-a wrongful, specific intent to …

What's So Bad About Bush V. Gore? An Essay On Our Unsettled Election, Louis Michael Seidman

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

There is a chance that Bush v. Gore may begin a process of laying a more attractive and realistic foundation for constitutionalism than the Official Story provides. The very fact that the Court is not politically independent and that it could not settle the matter in a disinterested, apolitical fashion might set us down a path toward a more mature version of constitutional law. The politically tendentious character of the Coon's reasoning demonstrates that our core constitutional commitments are subject to political manipulation. Ironically, public understanding of this malleability makes our politics more, rather than less, inclusive. It does so …

The Public And Private Lives Of Presidents, Neal K. Katyal

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

Focusing on a frequent theme in the executive privilege arguments advanced by the Clinton Administration, Neal Kumar Katyal explores the distinction drawn between the public and private lives of the President, particularly in the Paula Jones and Monica Lewinsky cases. He argues that the Administration's difficulties in asserting executive privilege claims following these cases demonstrate that the public/private distinction is not entirely valid He asserts that, unlike members of Congress who have time when they are not in session, the President is unique in that he is in office twenty-four hours a day. He argues that this special constitutional status …

Localism, Self-Interest, And The Tyranny Of The Favored Quarter: Addressing The Barriers To New Regionalism, Sheryll Cashin

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

This article argues that our nation's ideological commitment to decentralized local governance has helped to create the phenomenon of the favored quarter. Localism, or the ideological commitment to local governance, has helped to produce fragmented metropolitan regions stratified by race and income. This fragmentation produces a collective action problem or regional prisoner's dilemma that is well-known in the local governance literature.

The Vertical Separation Of Powers, Victoria Nourse

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

Standard understandings of the separation of powers begin with the concept of function. The author argues that function alone cannot predict important changes in structural incentives and thus serves as a poor proxy for assessing real risks to governmental structure. To illustrate this point, the article returns to proposals considered at the Constitutional Convention and considers difficult contemporary cases such as Morrison v. Olson, Clinton v. Jones, and the Supreme Court's more recent federalism decisions. In each instance, function appears to steer us wrong because it fails to understand separation of powers questions as ones of structural incentive …

Liberalism And Abortion, Robin West

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

First in a groundbreaking book, Breaking the Abortion Deadlock: From Choice to Consent, published in 1996, then in various public fora, from academic conference panels to Christian radio call-in shows, and now in a major law review article entitled My Body, My Consent: Securing the Constitutional Right to Abortion Funding, Eileen McDonagh has sought to redefine drastically our understanding of the still deeply contested right to an abortion, and hence, of the nature of the constitutional protections which in her view this embattled right deserves. Her argument is complicated and subtle, but its basic thrust can be readily …

The World Bank’S Role In Controlling Corruption, Susan Rose-Ackerman

Philip A. Hart Memorial Lecture

In 1997, Professor of Law and Political Science, Susan Rose-Ackerman of Yale University, delivered the Georgetown Law Center’s seventeenth Annual Philip A. Hart Memorial Lecture: "The World Bank’s Role in Controlling Corruption."

Susan Rose-Ackerman is Henry R. Luce Professor of Law and Political Science, Yale University, and Co-director of the Law School’s Center for Law, Economics, and Public Policy. She holds a Ph.D. in economics from Yale University and has held fellowships from the Guggenheim Foundation and the Fullbright Commission. She was a visiting Research Fellow at the World Bank in 1995-96 where she did research on corruption and economic …

Commentary, At Issue – House Rules: Is A Supermajority Requirement For Tax Hikes Constitutional? – No, The Framers Had Only A Simple Majority In Mind, Susan Low Bloch

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

The supermajority requirement undermines the constitutional principles of Article I and separation of powers. Rule XXI is not merely a rule of internal procedure; it determines when bills get presented to the Senate and the president.

Disciplining Congress: The Taxing And Spending Powers, Susan Low Bloch

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

Our panel will address a topic that goes to the heart of a debate over the nature of humankind: When dealing with governmentsponsored redistribution of wealth, can our elected representatives, to whom the Constitution grants federal taxing and spending authority, be trusted to exercise that authority; or must we place upon them what James Madison referred to as "auxiliary precautions," burdens higher than those imposed by the requirement that they stand for reelection, in the case of the House, every two years, or in the case of the Senate, every six years?

Toward A "Due Foundation" For The Separation Of Powers: The Federalist Papers As Political Narrative, Victoria Nourse

Georgetown Law Faculty Publications and Other Works

During the past quarter century, lawyers have become strangely comfortable with descriptions of our government's structure that would, to an untutored ear, speak contradiction. We are quite satisfied to say that governmental powers are separate and shared, departments distinct and overlapping, functions autonomous and interdependent. We have settled into these contradictions as we would a roomy chair: talking this way is no longer controversial but taken for granted, uttered with a knowing wink, perceived as the starting point of sophisticated analysis. A not "entirely separate," but "entirely free," set of departments is the only way we can think about the …