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《大慈恩寺三藏法師傳》材源考, Te Chen

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

《大慈恩寺三藏法師傳》是記録玄奘生平最全面詳實的傳記，檢討其書與《續高僧傳》、冥祥（詳）《大唐故三藏玄奘法師行狀》關係可知：《續高僧傳》有關玄奘的傳記最早寫成，但對玄奘一生只有大致的概括；慧立、彦惊之《大慈恩寺三藏法師傳》經歷了許多波折方纔寫就，其傳最爲詳實，且應當參考了《續高僧傳》；冥祥（詳）之《大唐故三藏玄奘法師行狀》最晚出，本於《慈恩傳》而參考《續高僧傳》。在此基礎上進一步考察可知，十卷《大慈恩寺三藏法師傳》之前五卷，主要依據《大唐西域記》；後五卷則主要根據玄奘回國後和朝廷往來的公文書撰成。此外，來自玄奘本人的回憶與口述以及當時社會上流行的有關玄奘的傳説故事，也零散貫穿全書。综合把握《大慈恩寺三藏法師傳》的兩類史料來源——書面與口傳，可進一步分疏其間的歷史、宗教與文學元素。

The Biography of the Tripitaka Master of the Great Ci’en Monastery is the most comprehensive and detailed record of Xuanzang’s life. By examining its relationship with The Further Biographies of Eminent Monks and Mingxiang’s The Deeds of the Late Tripitaka Master Xuanzang of the Great Tang, we can discern the following: The biography of Xuanzang in The Further Biographies of Eminent Monks was the earliest to be written, but it only provides a general outline of his life. The Biography of the Tripitaka Master of the Great Ci’en Monastery by Huili and Yancong underwent many difficulties before its …

“據譯單重”到多軌並途 : 漢文佛教目録分類之演變, Guodong Feng, Hui Xia

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

典籍的分類方式，是佛教目録最重要的表現形式，也是佛教目録撰作者學術思想、觀念與撰録因由最爲直接的體現。漢文佛教目録最初本爲記録經典傳譯，於是產生了根據經典產生方式的“據譯單重”分類法。其後随著認識的深入，根據經典性質分爲經、律、論三藏,根據經典體制分爲大、小乘的“乘藏分類法”逐漸取得统治地位。明代末年，出現了依據天台五時判教分類經典的“依義銓次”分類法。近現代以來，由於西方學術觀念的傳入與知識生產方式的變化，漢文佛教目録的分類方式日趨多元。

The method of categorizing scriptures is the most crucial feature of Buddhist catalogs, directly reflecting the academic thought, perspectives, and motivations of their compilers. Initially, Chinese Buddhist catalogs were created to document the translation of scriptures, leading to the emergence of the “single-layer translation-based classification” method, which categorized texts based on their origins in translation. As understanding deepened, the “Tripiṭaka classification method” became dominant, dividing scriptures into the three categories of sutras (teachings), vinayas (disciplinary rules), and śāstra (treatises) based on their nature, and further into Mahāyāna and Hīnayāna texts according to their doctrinal frameworks. By the late Ming …

北周尉遲迥相州舉兵的多重敘事構造 : 以《周書．尉遲迥傳》《尉遲迥廟碑》及《集神州三寶感通録》爲中心, Ling Tong

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

周隋革命的前夜，楊堅在帝都長安較爲順利地清除了異己，但在北周宣帝去世之後的三個月内，地方上先後有三支北周勤王之兵，即：相州總管尉遲迥、益州總管王謙、鄖州總管司馬消難。其中對於楊堅來説，最大的威脅來自鎮守東方的尉遲迥。本文詳細考察三類文獻：中古正史（《周書．尉遲迥傳》）、碑刻文獻（《尉遲迥廟碑》）、佛教史（《集神州三寳感通録》）對北周大象二年（580）六月尉遲迥相州舉兵這一事件的不同敘事。從北周到唐代，這一事件具有多重的敘事構造，每一種敘事構造的背後，體現了不同書寫者或者敘述者的需求與認同。

最值得留意的是唐代高僧道宣《集神州三寳感通録》，他通過對尉遲迥舉兵失敗之後的佛寺“感通”敘事，折射出了佛教史學與中古正统國史（碑刻）之間的内在張力，這種張力導致了多重敘事構造間的巨大差異。

On the eve of revolution between the Northern Zhou and the Sui Dynasty, Yang Jian eliminated the dissidents in the imperial capital Chang’an smoothly, but within three months after the death of Emperor Xuan of the Northern Zhou Dynasty, three armies which aimed at protecting the emperor were organized at the local level: Yuchi Jiong, the governor of Xiangzhou; Wang Qian, the governor of Yizhou; and Sima Xiaonan, the governor of Yunzhou. Among them, the biggest threat to Yang Jian came from Yuchi, who was guarding the east. This paper examines different narratives of Yuchi Jiong’s rebellion in …

引言, Yinchi Chen

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

佛教自兩漢之際傳人中土，逐漸深人中國文化之生命脈動，與儒、道諸固有精神傳統并存而匯流，蔚爲壯觀。中國古典文學堪稱中國文化最爲精粹之一脈，佛教文化與之交融，自兩晉以下，既爲客觀之事實，亦因而構成令人目不暇接之無數景觀，鄭振鐸先生通觀其所謂中世紀之六朝至明代的文學歷程，曾言 : “中世紀文學史裏的一件大事，便是佛教文學的輸人。從佛教文學輸人以後，我們的中世紀文學所經歷的路線，便和前大不相同了。我們於是有了許多偉大的翻譯的作品以外，在音韻上，在故事的題材上，在典故成語上，多多少少的都受有佛教文學的影響。最後，且更擬仿著印度文學的‘文體’而産生出好幾種弘偉無比的新的文體出來。”

20世紀以來，以現代的學術立場，專注、研討佛教文化因素在文人之精神世界、文學之形式内涵諸多方面之影響與作用，既多大師巨子，成果亦斐然可觀，在相當的程度上刷新了對若干文學演進關鍵環節乃至各時段文學 史面貌的認知與理解。迄今百餘年，“佛教與中國文學”之學術探究，依然呈現廣而深之前景。

謝靈運《辨宗論》融合儒釋及其思想史意義, Zhixi Qian

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

謝靈運《辨宗論》的“求宗”本體論與融合儒釋方法都與慧遠有濶源關係。慧遠認爲雖然儒之名教與釋之道法最終的趨向是相同的，但道法幽微則是堯孔所未曾闡述的。這是强調佛教的獨特價值及真理性，其闡述本體的立場仍在佛教。謝靈運雖然説自己的理論是折中於儒釋雙方，但實際上將真理問題的討論重心更大幅度地移向了儒家。他提出儒家的聖道無階級可達之論，以此來闡釋真理的完全性，闡明竺道生的求宗唯在頓悟的學説。謝靈運的基本思想，是以頓悟屬儒，而以漸悟屬釋，認爲儒釋雖然同歸，但儒家明真理而釋家重教化。因此，《辨宗論》更具有普遍的哲學本體論的性質。其在學術上的意義，是仿照實相、涅槃等佛教本體論建立起儒家的道論，其思想在儒家的原典是可以找到依據的。謝靈運還從華、夷民性之不同，即華民難於受教而易於覺理、夷人難於覺理而易於受教來説明儒、佛立教頓漸的不同。這觸及中國思想傳统的問題，即頓悟之説實是中土接受佛教或説佛教中國化過程中產生的問題。這一思想史的事實，需要進一步討論。竺道生的“一闡提人皆得成佛”説與其頓悟説相關，謝靈運應慧遠之請所作的《佛影銘》中“闡提獲自援之路”正是呼應道生之説。這一點似未被論者所注意。《佛影銘》比《辨宗論》早十年寫作。由此也可推論謝氏接受道生的頓悟及一闡提成佛之説的大致時間。

Xie Lingyun’s Bianzong Lun (On Distinguishing Ultimate Truth) [《辨宗論》] inherits its ontological framework of ‘‘apprehending philosophical truth” (求宗) and its syncretic methodology of reconciling Confucianism and Buddhism from Huiyuan. While Huiyuan asserted that Confucian teachings and Buddhist Dharma ultimately converge, he emphasized Buddhism’s unique metaphysical profundity, which surpassed the insights of Yao and Confucius, thereby affirming Buddhism’s distinct truth and ontological grounding. Although Xie Lingyun claimed to mediate between Confucianism and Buddhism, he subtly shifted the discourse on truth toward Confucianism. By proposing the Confucian notion of the “sagely path” as an ungraded, immediate realization of complete …

慧遠像論對中土象論的超越, Zong-Qi Cai

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

慧遠的“像論”以“神道無方，觸像而寄”爲核心，强調本體（神）通過具體形象（像）顯現，並成爲宗教修行與美學實踐的中介。本文從三方面探討其理論：其一，對比佛教東傳前中國傳统的“未形之象”（見於《楚辭》《老子》《莊子》）與《易經》的“卦畫之象”，指出慧遠像論突破中土的象論，賦予有物質形態的造像和山水以終極本體義；其二，分析其思想來源，包括小乘有部“法體恒有”説（神不滅論）、大乘化身説（佛像即法身顯現）及中觀思想（真俗相即），構建了“體―觀―像”的理論框架；其三，揭示其影響，如推動佛教觀想念佛的“感通”實踐，並催生謝靈運“山水佛教”等創作審美實踐。慧遠像論融合多元的佛教觀念，爲日後佛教文藝理論的發展奠定了基礎。

Huiyuan’s (334—416) theory of the image posits that the noumenon (the divine) becomes perceptible through specific forms, which in turn serve as a medium for both religious cultivation and aesthetic practice. This paper examines his theory from three perspectives.

First, it contrasts the pre-Buddhist Chinese concepts of the “imageless image” (未形之象) — found in texts such as the Songs of Chu, Laozi, and Zhuangzi — and the “hexagrammatic images” (卦畫之象) of the I Ching (Book of Changes). In doing so, it argues that Huiyuan’s theory transcended these native conceptions of the image by endowing physical forms, such as Buddha …

多元性視野下謝靈運的精神世界, Xiaoting Shi, Yinchi Chen

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

中古貴族文士往往具有多元的知識與思想背景，謝靈運博學多才，出自家學濶深的陳郡謝氏家族，又通達儒學、佛教、道教及老莊玄學等，本爲時代思潮之前沿人物。但謝靈運本人的精神世界始終複雜多端，頗由外界因緣驅動而起伏興變。這一特點投射於作品文本中，亦呈現出多元交織卻無以歸宗的思想風貌。

Aristocratic literati of the medieval period often possessed diverse knowledge and intellectual backgrounds. Xie Lingyun, a highly learned and talented individual, hailed from the prestigious Xie clan of Chen Prefecture. He was well-versed in Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, and the metaphysical teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi, making him a figure at the forefront of the intellectual trends of his time. However, Xie Lingyun’s spiritual world remained complex and multifaceted, often shaped and influenced by external circumstances, leading to fluctuations and transformations. This characteristic is reflected in his literary works, which exhibit a diverse and interwoven yet unanchored intellectual style.

“分限” : 嚴羽“妙悟”説形上等級的佛學淵源與理論分域, Jinmei Zhang, Jingsong Yin

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

緣於文獻版本流傳的差異和佛教語源考索的欠缺，“分限”一詞在嚴羽《滄浪詩話．詩辨》中歷來爭議頗多。考鏡佛教禪宗與古代詩學語境，所謂“分限”多指範園有大小、境界有高低以及程度有深淺等不同，而嚴羽《詩辨》中“分限”與“悟”的關係也應釐定爲“悟有淺深、有分限”。與此相應，嚴羽的“妙悟”理論可劃分爲由深到淺、由高到低的四個等級六個層次。其中，漢魏爲“不假悟”；“謝靈運至盛唐諸公”爲“透撤之悟”；“大曆以還之詩”“晚唐之詩”“本朝蘇黃以下諸家”雖同爲“一知半解之悟”，但三者依次遞降；“熟參無見”爲“終不悟”。

Due to variations in textual transmission and the lack of thorough investigation into Buddhist etymology, the term “Limits” in Yan Yu’s Canglang Shihua: Shibian has long been a subject of debate. Examining the contexts of Buddhist Chan (Zen) and classical poetics, “boundaries” generally refers to differences in scope, levels of realization, and degrees of profundity. The relationship between “boundaries” and “insight” in Yan Yu’s Shibian should thus be understood as “insight varies in depth, and is conditioned by boundaries.”

Accordingly, Yan Yu’s theory of “Miao Wu” (Wondrous Enlightenment) can be divided into hierarchical levels and gradations, ranging from profound …

羅漢住寺 : 道宣的中土聖寺建構與感應敘事, Yuanju Liu

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

阿羅漢觀念源於印度，傳入中土後，逐漸演化爲能够感應顯聖的宗教角色。本文從宗教與文學角度，分析道宣（596—667）《集神州三寳感通録》卷下羅漢與聖寺的感應敘事。他引據北涼道泰譯《入大乘論》等經律，將以天竺爲中心的三洲宇宙觀轉化爲中土空間敘事，將羅漢的顯聖行跡落實於神州的山林寺宇之中。這些敘事融合道教洞天福地與名山信仰的母題，經由“偶值”“誤入”和“尋訪”等情節，呈現聖人與凡俗間活生生的互動敘事，並展現佛教信仰的靈驗性與住持正法的作用。

道宣不僅是敘事的整理者，亦以親歷者身份出現於記載中，其“不識”的視角，反映凡夫對神聖的距離感與追慕心理，深化感應的信仰結構。值得注意的是，本文亦指出道宣並未採用同時期玄奘新譯《大阿羅漢難陀蜜多羅法住記》，顯示其有意回應新舊學義理競爭的局勢，並轉而靈活運用中國道教文化資源，在“交涉”與“融合”中化解中土佛教作爲“邊地”的文化焦慮，最終建構出具有地方特色的佛教聖地與羅漢形象，體現佛教在地化與跨文化轉譯的深度與多樣性。

The concept of the Arhat originated in India and, upon its transmission to China, gradually evolved into a religious figure capable of miraculous response and divine manifestation. This paper examines the narratives of Arhats and sacred temples in Scroll third of Ji Shenzhou Sanbao Gantong Lu (Records of Miraculous Responses to the Three Treasures in China) , compiled by Daoxuan (596—667), through both religious and literary perspectives. By citing scriptures such as the Entry into the Mahāyāna Sūtra (Ru Dasheng Lun), translated by Dharmakṣema in the Northern Liang, Daoxuan reinterprets the tripartite cosmological framework …

未有《嘉興藏》之前 : 萬曆初年的江南刻經運動, Qi-Yuan Wang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

學界以往曾發現不少出現在《嘉興藏》正式開雕之前的早期刊本，但未對此現象做出相應的解釋。本文依據傳世藏經文獻中的牌記、序跋記載，加上晚明僧俗精英們的别集著述，考察了“前嘉興藏”時期複雜的刻經經歷，追溯江南地區系统刊刻佛教經藏的地點，最早出現在嘉興東禪寺，發起者是千松明得禪師。而由於各種客觀條件影響，萬曆十年之後，這一刻經事業由晚輩高僧、學界所熟悉的紫柏真可禪師及其僧俗團隊繼續，並逐漸形成刊刻全藏的理想共識。紫柏刻經團隊早期嘗試刻經的地點不止一處，通過當時精英的别集文獻考察，其正式開刻地曾有松江府的金澤鎮、蘇州府的吳江縣等處，而納入早期刻藏經場考察的地方，則包括餘杭徑山、山東嶗山等多地。這些刻經地的選擇，出於當時紫柏僧團的交遊、教内外支持及現實的經濟、交通等多重考慮。最終萬曆十七年初夏，紫柏的刻經團隊正式開刻《嘉興藏》，並把正式刻經地放到了五臺山妙德庵，四年後轉而回到徑山，成爲長期的刻經場地。在“五臺山—徑山”刻藏的敘述成型之後，《嘉興藏》早期刻經的書寫與記憶逐漸被人遺忘。本文通過梳理各部傳世文獻中的相關線索，尤其日記文獻與經藏牌記等之前不被佛教史研究者關注的材料，發掘出晚明僧俗精英於《嘉興藏》籌備期所付出的諸多努力，及其所經歷的各種艱辛與曲折。

Previous academic research on the Jiaxing Tripitaka has found many early editions that appeared before the official printing, but no corresponding explanation has been provided for this phenomenon. This article examines the complex experience of Printing Tripitaka during the “Pre Jiaxing Tripitaka” period based on the records of plaques and prefaces in the surviving, as well as the collected works of the late Ming Buddhist and Lay elites. It traces back to the location of the systematic printing of Buddhist scriptures in the Jiangnan region, which first appeared in Dongchan Temple in Jiaxing, initiated by Master Qiansong Mingde. Due …

《弘明集》《廣弘明集》之單刻及其影響, Meng Li

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

徽商、居士吳惟明奉其師紫柏真可之命，於萬曆十四年將《弘明集》《廣弘明集》單獨刊刻，刻成後即得到五臺山刻方册大藏負責人密藏道開的高度讚賞，初期刊刻的大藏也以此書爲“家法”，吳刻兩集影響到大藏之刊刻。實際上，吳惟明本人深度參與大藏的籌備與刊刻，不僅捐資刊刻，還派送、推薦刻工至五臺山。吳刻將《弘明》兩集合刻，删去兩書原序、爲兩書各自重編了目録、集中編排音釋;雖以永樂北藏本爲底本，但大量增删改動：詩歌部分據馮惟訥《古詩紀》直接校改底本文字，並“改每篇標目，上目下名”，改變原書編排體例，甚至還會調整詩文編次，已非藏經本原貌。然而，此本問世不久就成爲流通本，嘉興藏本《弘明》二集即採作底本，四庫本、金陵刻書處本、天寧寺本多據以刊刻，《四部叢刊》《四部備要》也據以影印。日本承應三年刻《廣弘明集》、黃檗藏本《弘明》兩集均據以刊刻。明清以來學者據《弘明》二集辑佚先唐佛教詩文，所據之本多爲吳刻系统，不可避免要受此本增删臆改之誤導。

Wu Weiming, a Huizhou merchant and lay Buddhist, followed the order of his teacher Zibai Zhenke to publish Hongmingji and Guanghongmingji separately in the 14th year of Wanli. After they were completed, they were highly praised by Mizang Daokai, the person in charge of the printing of the square volume of the Tibetan Buddhist canon in Mount Wutai. The initial printing of the Tibetan Buddhist canon also used this book as the canon. Wu’s printing of the two collections actually influenced the printing of the Tibetan Buddhist canon. In fact, Wu Weiming himself was deeply involved in the preparation …

“大輪五部秘咒”考 : 兼論唐代密教的下行及其“盜法”觀念, Bin Yi, Hui Pu

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

安岳、大足兩地柳本尊造像題記、碑刻中的“大輪五部秘咒”是論述柳本尊及其教派與密教存在關聯的重要證據，但對其具體所指的研究相對有限。依據現有材料，“大輪五部秘咒”應爲“通過大輪金剛陀羅尼及相關修法所掌握的各種密咒”。關注於密法自身的大輪咒解决了密教下行進程中存在的“盜法”問題，相關信仰因此廣泛傳播。佛教中的“盜法”本針對於試圖融攝佛教的外道，約束力相當有限。密教將“盜法”從對動機的發掘轉向了對行爲的評判，通過對“盜法”的强調以捍衛其主體性，維護經濟利益，并試圖回避傳播過程中可能面對的諸多誤解。随着密教下行進程的不斷推進，“盜法”觀念與大輪咒最終失去了存在根基,其形式被引入近世民間宗教之中。

The inscriptions and stele texts related to the “Great Wheel Five Divisions Secret Mantras” found in the statues of Liu Benzun in Anyue and Dazu serve as crucial evidence linking Liu Benzun, his sect, and Esoteric Buddhism. However, research on the specific meaning of this term remains relatively limited. Based on available materials, the “Great Wheel Five Divisions Secret Mantras” likely refers to “various esoteric mantras mastered through the Great Wheel Vajra Dharani and its associated practices.” Focusing on the esoteric methods themselves, the Great Wheel Mantra addressed the issue of “Daofa” that arose during the decline of Esoteric …

論撮抄與典籍史上的“叢抄之書”, Xuping Chen

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

由於進諫、傳經、創制詩文等備忘之需，古人撮抄典册之内容，備於身邊，這就形成了典籍史上的一個特殊的文獻，即以“抄” “叢抄” “撮抄”爲名的一類典籍。細緻看來，其主要類型包括 : 用於上古行人、説客的“説林” “儲説”等，以《韓非子》所録最知名。用於進諫、講授經義於皇室的“微”等，以《漢志》所録“左氏微”等爲代表。又有搜集典故等以有資於皇子等人寫作而形成的類書如《初學記》等。漢唐以降，筆記之體繁興，“叢抄”之體代有佳作、延綿不絶，清人俞樾即有《茶香室叢鈔》。其中還有各種“文抄” “史抄”等。可以見出古人之生活“日用之需”與“文獻生成”之間的深刻關係。從形式上看，又分爲摘抄、全抄、概述等。從歷史語境上看，“撮抄”是中華典籍生成的一個重要機理，相應產生的“叢抄之書”是中華文獻的重要組成，具有重要意義。爲揭明以上説法的内涵，特寫作此文，以求教於學界同好。

Due to the need for offering advice, transmitting teachings, and creating literary works, the ancients often extracted and compiled content from classical texts to keep at hand. This practice led to the formation of a special category of literature in the history of Chinese texts, known as “extracts,” “collected extracts,” or “selected extracts.” Upon closer examination, these texts can be classified into several main types: “Shuolin” and “Chushuo” used by ancient envoys and orators, among which the most famous is recorded in Han Feizi. The “Wei” used for advising and instructing the …

甲骨文“本”字試解, Qingyu Du

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

甲骨文的“本”字，目前學界有釋“垂”、釋“叕”、釋“瓜”等觀點，這些觀點在字形、辭例釋讀方面都存在一些缺陷。本文從“本”的字形特徵入手進行分析，認爲該字應當是“本”之初文，在相關祭祀卜辭中應理解爲人牲的軀榦或下部，或與商代的肢解或腰斬之刑有關。

At present, there are various viewpoints about the “本” character Oracle Bone Inscription, such as the interpretation of “chui 垂”, “zhui 叕”, and “gua 瓜”, these viewpoints have some shortcomings in terms of form and example interpretation. This paper analyzes the form characteristics of “本” and believes that this character should be the initial form of “ben 本”. In related oracle inscriptions, it should be understood as the torso or lower part of a human sacrifice, it may be related to the dismemberment or beheading punishment in the Shang Dynasty.

唐宋“哩”“囉”考, Zhen Lin

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

唐宋歌曲中的“哩” “囉”等聲原屬彈舌音，發音時彈摇舌部以引聲。上古漢語中的彈舌音在南北朝時期已漸消亡，加之唐代悉曇學非常發達，很可能源自梵文彈舌音。因梵文彈舌音中的四流音於唐代應用並不普遍，故更可能源自彈舌音中的超聲r，超聲r與元音組合即成“哩” “囉”等聲。彈舌音對於其時漢人而言較爲新奇，人們爭相仿傚。初作歌助聲（虚聲、和聲），唐宋以降，歌曲中“哩” “囉”等字漸被用以指代其他物事（如歌曲、唱吟之事、男女合歡之事等），以及用作咒語。彈舌發音較爲困難，“舌强”之人方可爲之，“哩” “囉”等聲傳入漢地後，彈舌屬性或愈漸剥離。

The sounds of “ri” and “ra” in songs of the Tang and Song dynasties were originally tongue-twitching sounds, and when pronouncing them, the tongue was flicked to lead the sound. The tongue-twitching sounds in ancient Chinese gradually disappeared during the Southern and Northern Dynasties. In addition, Siddhamology was very developed in the Tang Dynasty, so it is very likely that they originated from the Sanskrit tongue-twitching sounds. Since the four-flow sounds in Sanskrit were not commonly used in the Tang Dynasty, it is more likely that they originated from the ultrasonic r in the Sanskrit. …

漢文帝朝禮制建設與君臣政治博弈, Chon-Chit Tang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

漢文帝登位後，與高祖時形成的權臣勢力，尤其是擁立他的大臣，無可避免地形成錯綜複雜的矛盾。文帝試圖通過各種方式消解權臣的壓力，其中一個重要方面，是通過祭祀制度、漢朝德運、立五帝廟等禮制上的改革和建設，强化其個人繼位的合法性，並藉此鞏固和擴張個人的政治權力。權臣則以不同形式、在不同程度上，對文帝進行多方制約甚至反抗，其根本目的在於阻止文帝的權力擴張，保護權臣既有的政治權力和利益。聚觀多次的交鋒，基本以文帝落敗，權臣慘勝告終。而文帝的政治合法性問題，最終由劉啓以太子身份順利繼位爲景帝，恢復漢朝帝皇繼位的制度化模式纔得以解決。

After ascending to the throne, Emperor Wen faced complex conflicts with the powerful courtiers who had supported Han Gaozu, especially those who were his supporters. He attempted to alleviate the pressure from these ministers through various means and reinforce the legitimacy of his succession. Emperor Wen aimed to consolidate and expand his personal political power through ritual reforms and constructions, such as the ritual system, the Han Dynasty’s virtue, and the establishment of the Five Emperors’ Temples. However, powerful courtiers restrained and rebelled against the emperor in various ways to prevent the expansion of his power and protect their …

清華簡《五紀》與儒、墨、黃老、陰陽的鬼神思想, Qing Yuan

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

清華簡《五紀》由“天之五紀”推出人事的各種制度規範，並爲這些制度規範和人體各部位確立相應的神祇來掌控，鬼神是天道的輔助，《五紀》强調的是人事效法天道，天道和鬼神確保了人間制度規範的合理性和不可違逆。《五紀》中的“鬼”有時與“神”同義，又可用來解釋疾病産生的原因。儒家的鬼神觀與《五紀》差别較大。墨家“天志”和“明鬼”雖表面上與《五紀》鬼神思想有相通之處，但《五紀》中的天和神是自然之天和自然神，使人產生疾病的“鬼”也只是氣,這與墨家作爲宗教的天和鬼有所不同。《五紀》與黃老學都强調人事效法天道、人事不可違逆，也都認爲精氣不足會導致疾病，只是《五紀》將精氣不足視爲“鬼”的思想是黃老學所没有的。陰陽家“舍人事而任鬼神”的思想與《五紀》有根本的差别。《五紀》的成書較早，其鬼神思想近於黃老學，可能是黃老思想的來源之一。

Tsinghua Wuji Manuscript introduces a range of institutional norms for human affairs and establishes corresponding deities to govern these norms as well as different aspects of the human body. The ghosts and gods serve as auxiliaries to the Way of Heaven, while Wuji emphasize that human affairs should adhere to the Way of Heaven. Through their collaboration with the Way of Heaven, gods and ghosts ensure that the institutional norms in the human world are rational and immutable. The term “ghosts” in Wuji is occasionally employed interchangeably with “deities”, which can also serve as an explanatory factor for illnesses. …

“歌詩必類”的禮制語境與禮義、樂義, Shenggao Cao

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

“歌詩必類”的本義，當求之於歷史語境。晉平公在繼位之初與諸侯會盟時，欲宣示晉爲盟主，參與的諸侯大夫皆以朝聘之禮見之。其中的“歌詩必類”，非諸侯引詩、賦詩的探求詩義，而是以大夫見天子之禮歌之。齊欲與晉爭霸，齊使高厚歌不類，引發晉伐齊。故“歌詩必類”的禮義，是依頌、雅、風的規格“上取下就”而用之，用所歌篇章的樂義交流，此爲春秋諸侯大夫歌詩的禮樂規則。其意義在於歌唱的詩篇要取其禮義、樂義，而非詩義。

The original meaning of “The Odes chanted must fit proper categories” should be sought in the historical context. When Duke Ping of Jin first held a meeting with the princes after he ascended the throne, he wanted to declare Jin as the leader of the alliance, and all the princes and ministers who participated in the meeting met him with the ceremony of paying homage. “The Odes chanted must fit proper categories” here does not mean that the princes quote poems or compose poems to explore the meaning of the poems, but that they are sung according to the …

養素堂刻《文心雕龍輯注》版本源流考, Shuzhen Wang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

對於清代養素堂刻黃叔琳《文心雕龍輯注》，前輩學人只注意到了有原刻與覆刻之别，但從版本源流看，養素堂本實際存在三種不同的形態 : 初刻本、改刻本和覆刻本。本文考察了養素堂本的底本來源及黃氏的校改，詳細列舉了改刻本與初刻本之間的各種差異，並區分了後出的覆刻本的不同類型，梳理了民國以後幾種通行本與養素堂本之間的關係，指出范注本所用底本存在的缺陷。

Regarding Huang Shulin’s The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons with Annotations engraved by Yangsutang in the Qing Dynasty, senior scholars only noticed the difference between the original engraving and the reprinted version. However, judging from the origin of the versions, the Yangsutang edition actually exists in three different forms: the first engraved version, the revised version and the reprinted version. This article examines the source of the original text of the Yangsutang edition and Huang’s revisions, lists in detail the various differences between the revised edition and the first edition, and distinguishes the different types …

大數據對物質文化史的衝擊 : 以古建築及賦税用語“間”爲例, Yi-Long Huang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

中國古代建築常以“間”或“半間”計數，然學界少見深入研究。本文即利用目前已建置完成之百餘億字可全文檢索的大數據新環境，查找出自唐宋以迄明清留有長闊或高度的近8,000間記事，並嘗試透過這些事例，深化對此古建築用語的相關認識。發現“間”字用在地舍的具體描述或租税計算時，其定義並不相同。前者對個别房舍通常只計以“間”或“半間”，取建築物正面“兩柱夾覆之中”爲1間，並以間闊1丈爲“標準值”，但往往略有增減。後者則是將面闊1間之房舍依其進深、屋況或地段等因素綜合估算（金代乃以“椓”數表之），再换算成間數（遂有畸零之數）以徵收租税。此一新認知展現大數據對傳統物質文化史研究所具有的啓發意義。

Ancient Chinese architecture is often counted by “Jian” or “Half Jian”, but there is little in-depth research in academia. This article uses the new big data environment that has been built with more than 10 billion words of full-text search to search for nearly 8, 000 records of length, width or height from the Tang and Song Dynasties to the Ming and Qing Dynasties, and attempts to deepen the understanding of this ancient architectural terminology through these examples. It was found that the definition of the word “Jian” was different when it was used in the specific description of …

“胡部新聲”的傳播及與漢樂的融合, Dongsung Shin

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

初盛唐之際，河西地區流行的“胡部新聲”傳入中土。由於這一新的胡人音樂不同於此前已傳入中土的音樂，故被稱爲“胡音”或“新胡聲”。以往不少學者把“胡部新聲”與龜兹、河西等地的地方音樂關聯起來，把它視爲“胡樂漢化”的産物，然而《通典．樂．四方樂》《舊唐書．音樂志》《新唐書．禮樂志》等音樂史史料記載“胡部新聲”與龜兹音樂是並列關係，而非從屬關係。盛唐時期出現的新的樂種——胡部，從樂部結構而論，與隋唐之際流行中土的龜兹伎有較大區别，前者由管樂器、弦樂器構成，後者以管樂器、皮樂器爲主。經筆者考證，“胡部新聲”獨特的樂部結構指明它與薩珊王朝霍斯魯二世宫廷音樂之間的關聯。據阿爾．馬蘇第《黃金草原》、菲爾多西《列王記》等文獻記載，這位波斯君主曾令巴爾巴德、薩爾喀什等創造新的宫廷宴享音樂，波斯宫廷迎來了一次大規模的音樂創作大潮。這些音樂通過波斯、粟特商賈大隊介紹到中原大地。天寳十三載（754），唐玄宗下令道調、法曲與“胡新聲”合奏，胡音成功融入唐王朝燕樂系统。“胡音”的流傳刺激了中土音樂，爲了符合新“胡音”的旋律美特徵,樂工開始嘗試脱離傳统入樂詞句式（齊言句式），創作能够符合“胡音”的入樂詞形式——詞調。

In the early Tang dynasty, new popular music from Hexi area was introduced to China, called “Hubu Xin Sheng”. As this music was different from the Kucha music which had spread to China earlier, it was also called “Xin Hu Sheng” or “Hu Yin”. Previous scholars usually presume this music was the product of Chinese localization of Kucha music or Xiliang music. However, the structural feature of Hubu Xin Sheng was quite different from Kucha music. According to the record of “Hubu music” in “Tai Chang sibu yue”, which was compiled in the mid-Tang dynasty, Hubu music didn’t use …

論東周銅器銘文仿古的文體學意義, Sijie Zheng

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

東周器銘的仿古是立足新的時代語境而模仿古代文辭的一種書寫方式，是在純文本寫作日益佔據主導優勢的情況下，依然仿效“記録一修改”模式的某些特徵的做法。具體而言，仿古主要包括擬辭和擬篇兩個層面。前者是從古老的“詩”“書”類文獻和舊器銘文中採擇詞彙、語法對新文本進行“作舊”處理。後者是在西周器銘常見類型，如册命、訓誥等基本消隱的情況下，重又參照舊文本改寫事實以製作同類銘文。這造就了東周銘體獨特的演變節奏。仿古的主要目的在於利用銘體穩定的文本特性和禮制屬性以彰顯作器者的權力合法性。其影響經由傳世東周文獻的傳導，開啓了秦漢以後長期追求簡古弘深的銘體創作，對銘體傳统的塑造作用是關鍵的。其手法與原因，一定程度上又含有超出東周時代的啓發價值，具有特殊的文體學意義。

The Eastern Zhou Dynasty’s imitation of ancient bronze inscriptions was a way of writing that imitated the ancient languages based on a new era context. It was a practice that disregarded the increasing dominance of pure text writing and imitated features of the “record-modify” mode. It mainly included two levels of practical techniques: imitation of words and imitation of texts. The former involved selecting vocabulary and grammar from documents related to Shi and Shu, as well as inscriptions on old bronzes, to “nake old” the new texts. The latter was the practice of rewriting facts based on old …

“常蓄東遊之志” : 杜甫晚年神仙思想的地理傳記學考察, Zhitian Wang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

樊晃《杜工部小集序》談到杜甫晚年“常蓄東遊之志”。從這一記載入手並對照杜甫詩歌可以發現，杜甫晚年確實有再次東遊吳越的計劃。吳越自六朝以來便是神仙思想盛行之地，也成爲道教“同天福地”聚集的區域。杜甫之所以對吳越念念不忘者，除了因有親友在此之外，更爲重要的是受了神仙思想的指引。除了“東遊”杜甫晚年也表達過“南征/南遊”的意圖。“東遊”的目的地是吳越，而“南征”的目的地是武陵桃源（唐朗州，今湖南常德）乃至嶺南。二者雖然目的地不同，但同樣都是爲了求仙問道。江南乃至嶺南一帶，在六朝以來“洞天福地”的道教地理中佔據了重要位置，吸引了包括杜甫在内的道教信徒前來修仙朝聖。歷來讀者更多注意到杜甫的家國情懷，却忽視了神仙思想對杜甫的强大吸引力。運用傳記地理學的方法，可以幫助我們更好地理解杜甫晚年的心跡與行乘，加深對杜甫晚年詩歌的理解。

In “Preface to Du Gongbu’s Small Collection”, Fan Huang said that in his later years, Du Fu “always have the ambition to travel east (changxu dongyou zhizhi)”. It can be seen from this account and Du Fu’s poetry that in his later years, Du Fu did have a plan to travel east to Wu-Yueh (presently Zhejiang and Southern Jiangsu province) again. Since the Six Dynasties, Wu-Yueh had become an area where the idea of immortality prevailed, and many “grotto heavens and blessed earths” (dongtian fudi) in Taoist system were gathered there. The reason why Du Fu …

“塵外塤箎”與中日詩誼 : 《元元唱和集》新探, Yunlong Xing

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

江户前期，東渡日本的浙江籍文人陳元贇與日蓮宗僧元政詩歌贈答往來，唱和盈帙並合編爲《元元唱和集》。該集是東亞漢文學史上的第一部中日人士唱和專集，既見證了士僧之間神交心契、塤篪相應的深厚友誼，又呈示了明清嬗替時期與江户漢文學交流互動的多元樣態和詩藝圖景。書翰往來與詩歌唱和交際功能的耦合，不僅在文學場域產生了雙重疊加效應，同時也俾使“元元唱和”活動得以跨時空延續。“元元”唱和詩歌在抒寫日常生活、自然四時、行旅思歸與讚頌親友之情等層面，多向度地映現了中日漢詩的同源異流特徵。作爲近世中日文化交流史上的詩誼典範，通過對“元元唱和”及唱和集内容的尋繹，可覘其中含藴著豐富的文學文化價值。

In the early Edo period, Chen Yuanyun (陳元贇, 1587-1671), a scholar from Zhejiang who traveled to Japan, exchanged poems with Gensei (元政, 1623-1668), a monk of the Nichiren sect (日蓮宗), and their poems were compiled into Yuan Yuan changhe ji (《元元唱和集》). This collection is the first special collection of Chinese and Japanese poetry and poetry in the history of East Asian Chinese literature. It not only bears witness to the deep friendship between a scholar and a monk, but also presents the diverse forms and poetic landscape of exchanges and interactions with Edo Chinese literature during the transition period …

“興趣”的詩學意涵及其話語承變, Guanghong Chen

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

“興趣”一詞，其意涵及所經歷的古今演變，於我們似乎耳熟能詳又習焉不察，值得從概念史的角度予以究明。尤其它的來源與生成，何時進入中國詩學領域，成爲明確的文學批評概念、範疇之表達，又如何於長時段的話語承變中，在凝定其本質意義的同時，被開掘出多重向度，構成豐盈而複雜的指涉，更需有較爲全面而深細的揭示。本文結合現代學術史上的相關成果，嘗試作出這一方面的檢討，希冀在中國詩學的語境中，釐清該詞的意涵變化及演進脈絡，並藉助這樣的線索，進一步窺測近世文學批評體系性的内在構成。

The connotation of the term “inspired appeal” (Xingqu) and its evolution, seemingly familiar yet often overlooked, are worth further investigating from the perspective of the history of ideas. This article comprehensively examines the following issues: the origin and formation of this concept; its entry into the Chinese poetics as an explicit expression of critical concepts and categories; and how, amid the backdrop of long-term discourse transformations, it gradually coagulated its essential meaning while constituting a rich and complex reference with its multiple dimensions unearthed. Drawing on insights from modern scholarly works, this essay elucidates the semantic changes …

“虚實”範疇的生成語境與應用場景, Xiaojun Liu, Biaorong Jiang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

“虛實”是中國古代文藝理論的重要範疇。“虛”“實”各有多重義項，“虛”之“空虛”“虛假”義與“實”之“充實”“真實”義並置，便生成“虛實”這個二元對立的範疇。“虛實”語義的形成源自先秦兩漢時期諸子對宇宙人生、天道人道的論述，其中儒家“充實之謂美”與道家“致虚極，守静篤”影響最大。應用到文藝理論中，作爲創作方法，“虛實”主要指虚字與實字、虚句與實句的不同作用，虛寫與實寫的表現手法以及虚構與實録的創作方式；作爲作品風格,“虛實”分别指向“空靈”和“質實”等多種文風，涵蓋詩、詞、小説、戲曲以及繪畫、書法等文學藝術類型。

Xu and shi are two important concepts in ancient Chinese literary theory, both of which have multiple meanings. The juxtaposition of xu as “emptiness” and “unreal” with shi as “substance” and “true” creates the binary opposition of xushi as a literary concept. This concept originated from the scholars’ discussions on the universe, life, and the ways of nature during the pre-Qin and Han periods. Confucians pointed out that “substance is called beauty;” and Taoists believed that “reaching the extremity of emptiness to maintain tranquility.” After being applied to literary theory, the philosophical concept transformed to be a creative method …

風自何方來? : 諷諭説的形成與演變, Sudong Cheng

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

華夏先民早就認識到風具有地方性和引導性兩大特徵，由此將“風”作爲德行流衍的象徵，引伸出影響、傳告之意。《毛詩大序》基於這些自然屬性，指出詩歌同時具有化民和刺上的雙重功能，是溝通上下階層的獨特文化資源，“風”由此成爲具有詩學意義的概念。漢人常用的“風諫”等概念也由此具有一定的詩學意味。至於“風諭”最初用來表示中央對地方、尤其是周邊地區的教化，至漢宣帝、劉歆等則用其表示臣下對君主的諫刺。鄭玄將漢人“五諫從諷”説與基於比興的“譬喻”加以整合，由此形成的“諷喻”説强調詩歌的政教性和修辭性，在中古時期影響廣泛。白居易又提出“諷喻詩”的概念，在强調詩歌政教功能的同時，卻强調詩歌語言的直白，與《詩經》學傳統中的“諷諭”説頗爲不同。二者也共同構成宋明以來諷翁説的不同向度。

The ancestral peoples of China long ago recognized two major characteristics of wind: its local nature, and its ability to guide or lead [things]. From this, they developed “wind” as a metaphor for the dissemination of virtue, extending its meaning to that of influence and transmission. Based on these natural attributes, the “Great Preface to the Classic of Poetry” identifies as dual functions of poetry [comprised most prominently by the airs or “winds” feng of the individual states] the civilizing of the people and the admonishment of the ruler, respectively, serving as a unique cultural resource for communication …

開幕式致辭 : 推動中國文化進一步融人世界文明體系, Xiaoqin Du

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

No abstract provided.

再論意境的本質及其理論定位, Yin Jiang

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

從王國維以來，論者雖概稱“意境”爲範疇，却始終未從範疇的理論概括性和抽象性上來把握它，進而考慮它和古典詩歌審美特質的關係，同時顧及概念的歷史沿革和約定俗成性，只是在普通概念的層面上詮釋其内涵，以致産生諸多歧義。本文根據張東蓀對範疇的界定，由範疇屬性來對意境加以理論定位，將意境理解爲概括和衡量古典詩歌詩美生成機制的抽象範疇，并通過大量文獻證明，到19世紀的詩論中，“意境”一詞已指涉古典詩歌藝術特徵、藝術效果及其生成方式的全部内容，核心則落實於意象化抒情的詩美生成機制，其豐富性和包容性具備了範疇所必要的强大概括力和悠久的歷史淵源。

Since Wang Guowei’s time, scholars have frequently labeled “Yi Jing” as a theoretical category. However, they have not fully examined it in terms of the generality and abstraction that a category demands, nor have they deeply explored its connection to the aesthetic qualities of classical poetry. Furthermore, they have neglected the historical evolution and conventional understanding of the concept. Instead, the term has been interpreted in a more superficial way, leading to significant ambiguity. In this paper, drawing on Zhang Dongsun’s definition of “category,” I aim to establish the theoretical positioning of “Yi Jing” as an abstract category that …

古典詩學情景説的理論構成及其演化特徵, Lihua Zheng

嶺南學報 Lingnan Journal of Chinese Studies

作爲中國古典詩學重要範疇之一，情景歷來爲衆家所論議，被視爲詩歌創作的本質基礎和審美構成。追溯起來，情景説在劉勰、鍾嶸等人的著述中已顯理論離形，觸及“情”“景”二者之關係，但其理論導向，重在解釋“感物”成詩的發生原理，闡述自然之“景”觸動詩人之“情”的引發作用。宋明以來，情景成爲重要的詩學話題，對其理論探討趨於加强，尤其是明人謝榛，園繞情景關係的闡説相對集中和詳明，更明確了其對詩歌本質構成和藝術經營所具有的特定意義，謝氏的相關論述，體現了某種劃時代的標誌性意義。在有清一代詩學領域，有關詩歌情景問題的探討漸趨增多，其中王夫之、吴喬、朱庭珍等人堪稱代表，特别是對於情景關係的辨析，成爲諸家闡發的一個核心問題，其討論的角度或層次呈現多樣化特徵，豐富了情景這一範疇的理論建設。

As one of the important categories in Chinese classical poetics, the theory of feeling and scene has always been discussed by scholars and regarded as the essential foundation and aesthetic composition of poetry creation. Retroactively, the theory of feeling and scene can be found in the writings of Liu Xie and Zhong Rong, involve the relationship between “feeling” and “scene”. However, the theoretical focus was mainly on explaining the occurrence principle of poetry inspired by external objects, elaborating on the triggering effect of natural “scenarios” on poets’ “feelings”. Since the Song and Ming dynasties, the theory of feeling and …