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Self-Regulation Of Judicial Misconduct Could Be Mis-Regulation, Anthony D'Amato Dec 1990

Self-Regulation Of Judicial Misconduct Could Be Mis-Regulation, Anthony D'Amato

Michigan Law Review

Judge Harry T. Edwards has written a lucid and seemingly logical plea for the judiciary to be granted exclusive self-regulation over all matters of judicial misconduct that fall short of crimes or impeachable offenses. His essay demonstrates the seriousness with which he regards misconduct that would bring shame to the federal judiciary. He believes that the judiciary as a whole is the best institution to ascertain and take measures against individual aberrant judges who are guilty of various forms of misconduct, and I have no doubt of the sincerity of his belief. Yet when we look at claims for self-regulation ...


Beyond Candor, Scott Altman Nov 1990

Beyond Candor, Scott Altman

Michigan Law Review

In Part I, I consider whether judges might hold inaccurate beliefs that make them more candid and constrained. I suggest that even if theories of neutral decisionmaking are incomplete and inaccurate, a legal system in which judges hold these beliefs about their own behavior could have advantages. If many judges believe that they can, should, and do decide almost all cases by following the law, they might behave differently than they would if they held more accurate beliefs. They might behave so as to facilitate repression and denial, because their self-esteem depends on maintaining the belief that they decide as ...


Selecting Law Clerks, Patricia M. Wald Oct 1990

Selecting Law Clerks, Patricia M. Wald

Michigan Law Review

April may indeed have been "the cruellest month" this year for federal judges and their prospective clerks. For a decade now, federal judges have been trying - largely without success - to conduct a dignified, collegial, efficient law clerk selection process. Because each federal judge has only to choose two to three clerks each year, and there is a large universe of qualified applicants graduating each year from our law schools, this would not seem an insurmountable task. And because each federal judge has choice first-year positions to offer and has no need or ability to dicker on salary or hours or ...


Electronic Media Access To Federal Courtrooms: A Judicial Response, Laralyn M. Sasaki Jun 1990

Electronic Media Access To Federal Courtrooms: A Judicial Response, Laralyn M. Sasaki

University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform

This Note examines the ongoing electronic media access dispute and suggests methods to establish access. Because reform of current law would be implemented largely at the judicial "front lines"-the 700-plus U.S. district judges' courtrooms ---the concerns and desires of district judges are of primary importance to any proposed change. The survey documented an institutional resistance to an expanded media presence in federal courtrooms; this institutional inertia may be the strongest single reason that change has not occurred. Part I of this Note presents the federal rules, canons, and resolutions comprising the current prohibition against video and audio-equipment access ...


Concerned Readers V. Judicial Opinion Writers, Erik Paul Belt Apr 1990

Concerned Readers V. Judicial Opinion Writers, Erik Paul Belt

University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform

In this action, Plaintiffs sought a writ of mandamus compelling the offending judges to write better, but the court below denied the writ. Plaintiffs then petitioned for relief from poor writing. Because some judges do, in fact, write clear and effective opinions, we have granted certiorari to resolve the differences between the various courts. The issue before us, then, is whether judges and clerks have abused their discretion by writing weak opinions and, if so, how they can improve their writing. Because stronger writing greatly eases the reader's job and makes opinions more effective, we hold that judges and ...


The Supreme Court In Politics., Terrance Sandalow Jan 1990

The Supreme Court In Politics., Terrance Sandalow

Reviews

Despite all that has been written about the bitter struggle initiated by President Reagan's nomination of Robert Bork to a seat on the Supreme Court, its most remarkable feature, that it was waged over a judicial appointment, has drawn relatively little comment. Two hundred years after the Philadelphia Convention, Hamilton's "least dangerous" branch - least dangerous because it would have "no influence over either the sword or the purse, no direction either of the strength or the wealth of the society, and can take no active resolution whatever"'-had come to occupy so important a place in the nation ...