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Rehnquist's Missing Letter: A Former Law Clerk's 1955 Thoughts On Justice Jackson And Brown, John Q. Barrett, Brad Snyder
Rehnquist's Missing Letter: A Former Law Clerk's 1955 Thoughts On Justice Jackson And Brown, John Q. Barrett, Brad Snyder
Faculty Publications
"I think that Plessy v. Ferguson was right and should be reaffirmed." That's what Supreme Court law clerk William H. Rehnquist wrote privately in December 1952 to his boss, Justice Robert H. Jackson. When the memorandum was made public in 1971 and Rehnquist's Supreme Court confirmation hung in the balance, he claimed that the memorandum reflected Jackson's views, not Rehnquist's. Rehnquist was confirmed, but his explanation triggered charges that he had lied and smeared the memory of one of the Court's most revered justices. This Essay analyzes a newly discovered document—a letter Rehnquist wrote to Justice Felix Frankfurter in 1955, …
A Commander's Power, A Civilian's Reason: Justice Jackson's Korematsu Dissent, John Q. Barrett
A Commander's Power, A Civilian's Reason: Justice Jackson's Korematsu Dissent, John Q. Barrett
Faculty Publications
Robert Houghwout Jackson was a justice of the United States Supreme Court during the years of World War II. This article considers his great but potentially perplexing December 1944 dissent in Korematsu v. United States, in which he refused to join the Court majority that proclaimed the constitutionality of military orders excluding Japanese Americans from the West Coast of the United States during the War years. This article considers Justice Jackson's Korematsu dissent in full. It was and is, contrary to some of the criticisms it has received over the past 60 years, a coherent position. Jackson's dissent is also …
Pause At The Rubicon, John Marshall And Emancipation: Reparations In The Early National Period?, Frances Howell Rudko
Pause At The Rubicon, John Marshall And Emancipation: Reparations In The Early National Period?, Frances Howell Rudko
Faculty Publications
Marshall thought that the solution to emancipation and the end to slavery were to be nationally funded. He considered slavery a national problem, not a state problem, as most of his fellow Virginians insisted. In this he differed from most southerners who argued that slave matters were state matters and that the nation could involve itself in the institution of slavery only by strictly adhering to the role assigned to it by the Constitution under the three fifths clause and the fugitive slave clause.