Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons^™

الاستقلالية والرأسمال الرمزي ضمن حركة اجتماعية أكاديمية : مجموعة 9 مارس في مصر, Benjamin Geer

Benjamin Geer

مجموعة 9 مارس من أجل استقلال الجامعات (حركة 9 مارس) هي مجموعة من الأكاديميين المصريين الذين خاضوا طوال العشرية الأخيرة، حملات لرفع درجة الاستقلالية المؤسسية للجامعة والحرية الأكاديمية في الجامعات العمومية المصرية. يستكشف هذا المقال أجوبة ممكنة عن ثلاثة أسئلة حول 9 مارس: أولا، ما الذي يفسر توجه الأعضاء المؤسسين نحو تكوين مثل هذه المجموعة على اعتبار ما بدا على أساتذة الجامعة في مصر من قلة الاهتمام بأي نوع من النشاط الحركي وقلة سوابق حركة اجتماعية مركزة على هذه القضية؟ ثانيا، كيف تمكنت المجموعة من البقاء طوال تلك المدة التي ظلت فيها قائمة في سياق سياسي تسلطي، بل ومن خوض …

Mesa 2014: Documenting Revolution In The Me (Links), Roberta L Dougherty

Roberta L. Dougherty

The Aesthetic Of Revolution In The Film And Literature Of Naguib Mahfouz, Nathaniel Greenberg

Nathaniel Greenberg

In the wake of the 1952 Revolution, Egypt’s future Nobel laureate in literature devoted himself exclusively to writing for film. The Aesthetic of Revolution in the Film and Literature of Naguib Mahfouz is the first full-length study in English to examine this critical period in the author’s career and to contextualize it within the scope of post-revolutionary Egyptian politics and culture. Before returning to literature in 1959 with his post-revolutionary masterpiece Children of the Alley, Mahfouz wrote or co-wrote some twenty odd scripts, many of them among the most successful in Egyptian history. He did so at a time when …

Violence Against Women In The Egyptian And Syrian Uprisings, Donna M. Hughes Dr.

Donna M. Hughes

Women have been full participants in the uprisings throughout the Arab world. They are seeking to be citizens with rights and opportunities in countries free of dictators. Women protested equally with men in early 2011 in Egypt. They were full of hope for a future of equality and opportunity, and for a while, it looked like a possibility. There hopes have been brutally suppressed, as they have become objects of violent assaults and exploitation.

You Say You Want A (Nonviolent) Revolution, Well Then What? Translating Western Thought, Strategic Ideological Cooptation, And Institution Building For Freedom For Governments Emerging Out Of Peaceful Chaos, Donald J. Kochan

Donald J. Kochan

With nonviolent revolution in particular, displaced governments leave a power and governance vacuum waiting to be filled. Such vacuums are particularly susceptible to what this Article will call “strategic ideological cooptation.” Following the regime disruption, peaceful chaos transitions into a period in which it is necessary to structure and order the emergent governance scheme. That period in which the new government scheme emerges is particularly fraught with danger when growing from peaceful chaos because nonviolent revolutions tend to be decentralized, unorganized, unsophisticated, and particularly vulnerable to cooptation. Any external power wishing to influence events in societies emerging out of peaceful …

Mesa 2011: Expressive Culture Of The Egyptian Revolution, Roberta L. Dougherty

Roberta L. Dougherty

Changing Egypt’S Identity One Picture At A Time, Ethan Pullman

Ethan P Pullman

In the wake of Egypt's recent political revolution, an image circulated on social networks and the internet at large that spread like wild fire – “has gone viral,” as one Facebook user comments. What makes this image revolutionary, and somewhat ironic, is the interplay between image and language reconstructed meaning using the language of the dominant “orientalist” culture that originated it.

Prophets And Priests Of The Nation: Naguib Mahfouz’S Karnak Café And The 1967 Crisis In Egypt, Benjamin Geer

Benjamin Geer

Similarities between religion and nationalism are well known but not well understood. They can be explained by drawing on Pierre Bourdieu's sociological theory in order to consider symbolic interests and the strategies employed to advance them. In both religion and nationalism, the “strategy of the prophets” relies on charisma while the “strategy of the priests” relies on cultural capital. In 20th-century Egypt, nationalism permitted intellectuals whose cultural capital was mainly secular, such as Naguib Mahfouz, to become “priests of the nation” in order to compete with the ʿulamaʾ for prestige and influence. However, it severely limited their autonomy, particularly after …

Badi‘A Masabni, Artiste And Modernist: The Egyptian Print Media’S Carnival Of National Identity, Roberta Dougherty

Robin Dougherty

In The Temple Of Dance, Roberta L. Dougherty

Roberta L. Dougherty