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Full-Text Articles in Social and Behavioral Sciences
Implications Of Harmonic Serialism For Lexical Tone Association, John J. Mccarthy, Kevin Mullin, Brian W. Smith
Implications Of Harmonic Serialism For Lexical Tone Association, John J. Mccarthy, Kevin Mullin, Brian W. Smith
John J. McCarthy
In some languages, notably Kikuyu, the association of tones and syllables is completely predictable. In this chapter, we show that a derivational version of Optimality Theory, Harmonic Serialism, cannot account for Kikuyu if underlying representations include preassociated tones. If richness of the base is to be maintained, then underlying representations can contain associated tones in no language, even a language with contrastive tone association. This leads to a discussion of alternative ways of lexically encoding these contrasts, such as sequences of identical tones and diacritic accents.
Reduplication In Harmonic Serialism, John J. Mccarthy, Wendell Kimper, Kevin Mullin
Reduplication In Harmonic Serialism, John J. Mccarthy, Wendell Kimper, Kevin Mullin
John J. McCarthy
In standard Optimality Theory, faithfulness constraints are defined in terms of an input-output correspondence relation, and similar constraints are applied to the correspondence relation between a stem and its reduplicative copy. In Harmonic Serialism, a derivational version of Optimality Theory, there is no input-output correspondence relation, and instead faithfulness violations are based on which operations the candidate-generating GEN component has applied.
This article presents a novel theory of reduplication, situated within Harmonic Serialism, called Serial Template Satisfaction. Reduplicative correspondence constraints are replaced by operations that copy strings of constituents. Depending on the constraint ranking, phonological processes may precede or follow …
Autosegmental Spreading In Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy
Autosegmental Spreading In Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
Revised December 2009
This paper is a shorter (and probably better) version of "Harmony in Harmonic Serialism." Like its big brother, it argues that Harmonic Serialism answers the conundrum of how iterative autosegmental spreading is obtained in Optimality Theory.
Pausal Phonology And Morpheme Realization, John J. Mccarthy
Pausal Phonology And Morpheme Realization, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
Revised December 2009
Classical Arabic has complex phonological alternations affecting words in utterance-final position, traditionally called "pause". All pausal forms end in a heavy syllable, but the ways of achieving this result are both diverse and subject to both phonological and morphological conditioning. This chapter argues that an adequate analysis of Arabic's pausal phonology requires a derivational version of Optimality Theory, called Harmonic Serialism, in which morpheme spell-out is interleaved with phonological processes.
Copying Prosodic Constituents, John J. Mccarthy, Wendell Kimper, Kevin Mullin
Copying Prosodic Constituents, John J. Mccarthy, Wendell Kimper, Kevin Mullin
John J. McCarthy
The weight of a syllable-sized reduplicant is never dependent on the syllabification of the base -- that is, no language has a reduplicative morpheme that copies a coda in [pat-pat.ka] but no coda in [pa-pa.ta]. Yet this behavior is attested in the second syllable of foot-sized reduplicants: [pa.ta-pa.ta.ka], [pa.tak-pa.tak.ta]. Why is dependence on base syllabification possible in foot-sized reduplicants, but not in syllable-sized ones?
This article provides an answer to that question in the form of a novel theory of reduplication called Serial Template Satisfaction (STS), which is situated within Harmonic Serialism (a derivational variant of Optimality Theory). In STS, …
Agreement By Correspondence Without Corr Constraints, John J. Mccarthy
Agreement By Correspondence Without Corr Constraints, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
Agreement by correspondence (ABC) is a theory of long-distance assimilation processes proposed in recent work by Hansson and Rose & Walker. This paper presents a refinement of the ABC framework, eliminating the need for Corr constraints, which require correspondence between similar segments.
An Introduction To Harmonic Serialism, John J. Mccarthy
An Introduction To Harmonic Serialism, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
No abstract provided.
Harmonic Serialism Supplement To Doing Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy
Harmonic Serialism Supplement To Doing Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
This document consists of about 30 pages of text to supplement Doing Optimality Theory (Blackwell, 2008).
Classified Bibliography Of Works On Ot With Candidate Chains (Ot-Cc) And Harmonic Serialism (Hs), John J. Mccarthy
Classified Bibliography Of Works On Ot With Candidate Chains (Ot-Cc) And Harmonic Serialism (Hs), John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
No abstract provided.
Harmony In Harmonic Serialism, John J. Mccarthy
Harmony In Harmonic Serialism, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
What OT constraint favors autosegmental spreading? Existing proposals for the pro-spreading markedness constraint make implausible typological predictions. This paper presents a new proposal that depends on Harmonic Serialism to avoid those unwanted predictions.
The Serial Interaction Of Stress And Syncope, John J. Mccarthy
The Serial Interaction Of Stress And Syncope, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
Many languages respect the generalization that some or all unstressed vowels are deleted. This generalization proves elusive in classic Optimality Theory, however. The source of the problem is classic OT’s parallel evaluation, which requires that the effects of stress assignment and syncope be optimized together. This article argues for a version of OT called Harmonic Serialism, in which the effects of stress assignment and syncope can and must be evaluated sequentially. The results are potentially applicable to other domains where process interaction is best understood in derivational terms.
Slouching Toward Optimality: Coda Reduction In Ot-Cc, John J. Mccarthy
Slouching Toward Optimality: Coda Reduction In Ot-Cc, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
There is a well-established asymmetry in the behavior of medial consonant clusters: the first consonant in the cluster can undergo assimilation or deletion, but the second consonant in the cluster cannot. This article presents an explanation for that asymmetry based on a version of Optimality Theory with candidate chains (McCarthy (2006a)). The key idea is that a consonant can only assimilate or delete if it first loses its place features by debuccalizing, and debuccalization is only possible in coda position.
What Is Optimality Theory?, John J. Mccarthy
What Is Optimality Theory?, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
Optimality Theory is a general model of how grammars are structured. This article surveys the motivations for OT, its core principles, and the basics of analysis. It also addresses some frequently asked questions about this theory and offers suggestions for further reading.
Less Than Zero: Correspondence And The Null Output, John J. Mccarthy, Matthew Wolf
Less Than Zero: Correspondence And The Null Output, John J. Mccarthy, Matthew Wolf
John J. McCarthy
In this chapter, we have argued for a revision of correspondence theory in which strings rather than segments are the formal objects that stand in correspondence. In this revision, well-behaved unfaithful mappings do not alter ℜ’s status is a total bijective function. Candidates with a less orderly ℜ violate MPARSE; among these candidates there is one that harmonically bounds all of the others, the null output . The primary goal of this project is to explain why uniquely violates no constraints except MPARSE, making it suitable for the analysis of phonologically-conditioned gaps. Along the way, we have also discussed …
Consonant Harmony Via Correspondence: Evidence From Chumash, John J. Mccarthy
Consonant Harmony Via Correspondence: Evidence From Chumash, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
The phonology of [anterior] in Chumash supports recent proposals by Hansson (2001), Rose & Walker (2004), and Walker (2000a, 2000b) that long-distance consonant assimilation does not involve autosegmental spreading. Linking of the feature [anterior] is forbidden across morpheme boundaries, but long-distance [anterior] harmony is allowed across morpheme boundaries. The Chumash evidence therefore shows that assimilation can occur without autosegmental spreading.
Derivations And Levels Of Representation, John J. Mccarthy
Derivations And Levels Of Representation, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
In the theory of generative phonology, the phonological grammar of a language is regarded as a function from underlying to surface forms: /kæt þz/ ! [kæts] ‘cats’. Underlying and surface form are known as levels of representation, and the mapping between them is a derivation. This chapter describes the rationale for positing distinct levels of representation, various views of how many and what kind of levels of representation there are, and the nature of the derivations that link different levels of representation.
Morphology: Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy
Morphology: Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
No abstract provided.
Prosodic Morphology, John J. Mccarthy
Optimal Paradigms, John J. Mccarthy
Optimal Paradigms, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
Transderivational Correspondence and Uniform Exponence are two recent theories of surface resemblances among morphologically related words. This article describes the Optimal Paradigms theory, which incorporates elements of both. In OP, candidates consist of entire inflectional paradigms. Within each candidate paradigm, there is a correspondence relation from every paradigm member to every other paradigm member. Faithfulness constraints on this intraparadigmatic correspondence relation resist alternation within the paradigm. This model is illustrated and supported with a type of evidence that has not figured in previous discussions, the templatic structure of the Classical Arabic verb. Generalized Template Theory demands that templatic restrictions emerge …
Taking A Free Ride In Morphophonemic Learning, John J. Mccarthy
Taking A Free Ride In Morphophonemic Learning, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
As language learners begin to analyze morphologically complex words, they face the problem of projecting underlying representations from the morphophonemic alternations that they observe. Research on learnability in Optimality Theory has started to address this problem, and this article deals with one aspect of it. When alternation data tell the learner that some surface [B]s are derived from underlying /A/s, the learner will under certain conditions generalize by deriving all [B]s, even nonalternating ones, from /A/s. An adequate learning theory must therefore incorporate a procedure that allows nonalternating [B]s to take a «free ride» on the /A/ →[B] unfaithful map.
The Length Of Stem-Final Vowels In Colloquial Arabic, John J. Mccarthy
The Length Of Stem-Final Vowels In Colloquial Arabic, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
This paper has argued that richness of the base, when combined with OT’s inherent commitment to typology, leads to an improved understanding of problems of indeterminacy in underlying representations. The controversy over the length of Arabic final vowels, a controversy to which many analysts have contributed without a final resolution, disappears once the phenomena are examined from the perspective of ROTB and a typologically responsible CON. It has been suggested (M. Hale and Reiss 1998: 660) that “the notion of richness of the base [is] a computational curiosity of OT grammars that may be quite irrelevant to human language”. This …
Review Of Janet C. E. Watson (2002) The Phonology And Morphology Of Arabic, John J. Mccarthy
Review Of Janet C. E. Watson (2002) The Phonology And Morphology Of Arabic, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
No abstract provided.
Headed Spans And Autosegmental Spreading, John J. Mccarthy
Headed Spans And Autosegmental Spreading, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
No abstract provided.
Phoneme, John J. Mccarthy
Metrical Phonology, John J. Mccarthy, Bruce Hayes
Metrical Phonology, John J. Mccarthy, Bruce Hayes
John J. McCarthy
No abstract provided.
Phonology, John J. Mccarthy
Phonological Processes: Assimilation, John J. Mccarthy, Norval Smith
Phonological Processes: Assimilation, John J. Mccarthy, Norval Smith
John J. McCarthy
No abstract provided.
Sympathy, Cumulativity, And The Duke-Of-York Gambit, John J. Mccarthy
Sympathy, Cumulativity, And The Duke-Of-York Gambit, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
The Duke-of-York gambit (Pullum 1976) involves derivations of the form A->B->A, where underlying /A/ passes through an intermediate stage B before returning to A at the surface. Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993) has significant implications for the Duke of York gambit. Furthermore, attested and unattested Duke-of-York cases have implications for the analysis of opacity in Optimality Theory using sympathy (McCarthy 1998, to appear). A key idea pursued in this paper is that derivations must be cumulative, and a measure of cumulativity is incorporated into sympathy theory.
What Does Comparative Markedness Explain, What Should It Explain, And How?, John J. Mccarthy
What Does Comparative Markedness Explain, What Should It Explain, And How?, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
These seven commentaries treat a wide range of topics in interesting and insightful ways. It is not possible to write a coherent response that addresses all of the criticisms and suggestions, large and small, that the authors have brought up. Several main themes emerge, however, that transcend the individual commentaries, and these themes supply the structure for this reply. They include alternatives to comparative markedness, possible counterexamples, comparative markedness on other dimensions of correspondence, and questions about the authenticity of opaque phonological processes. These themes will each be addressed in turn.
Optimality Theory: An Overview, John J. Mccarthy
Optimality Theory: An Overview, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
No abstract provided.