First Amendment Commons^™

"Excluding Religion": A Response, Richard W. Garnett

Journal Articles

In a thorough and thoughtful article, Excluding Religion, Prof. Nelson Tebbe asks "whether the government may select religious entities for exclusion from its support programs?" and concludes that, sometimes, it may. "The government," he contends, "need not remain neutral toward religion in its support programs[.]"

In this short response to Tebbe's paper, I first suggest that the reasons Tebbe offers for such exclusion - including "promoting equal citizenship for members of minority faiths . . . , fostering community concord, [and] respecting taxpayers' freedom of conscience", are not particularly strong. Next, I turn to the various "limits" that Tebbe …

Children's Beliefs And Family Law, Margaret F. Brinig

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In a recent series of opinions authored by Justice Stevens, the Court has recognized that children may have independent religious rights, and that these may be in conflict with their parents'. The questions for this piece are whether considering children's rights independently is a good thing whether it is warranted by children's actual religious preferences and whether children's religious activities actually do anything measurable for the children.

I do not advocate that the Supreme Court become more involved with family law than it has been since the substantive due process days of Meyer and Pierce. I am also not one …

Do Churches Matter? Towards An Institutional Understanding Of The Religion Clauses, Richard W. Garnett

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In recent years, several prominent scholars have called attention to the importance and role of First Amendment institutions and there is a growing body of work informed by an appreciation for what Professor Balkin calls the infrastructure of free expression. The freedom of expression, he suggests, requires more than mere absence of government censorship or prohibition to thrive; [it] also require[s] institutions, practices and technological structures that foster and promote [it]. The intuition animating this scholarship, then, is that the freedom of expression is not only enjoyed by and through, but also depends on the existence and flourishing of, certain …

Free To Believe, Richard W. Garnett

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Richard Garnett reviews Religious Freedom and the Constitution by Christopher L. Eisgruber & Lawrence G. Sager, Harvard University Press, 352 pages, $28.95

Drop Coffers, Richard W. Garnett, Benjamin P. Carr

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”Coffers.” When we hear or read the word, what do we picture? Buried treasure on the Isle of Monte Cristo? The dragon Smaug’s stolen riches, piled deep under the Lonely Mountain? Maybe we dimly remember a line of Shakespeare or Chaucer. If one is male and of a certain age, the word might bring to the surface suppressed memories of the all-nighters and arcana associated with Dungeons & Dragons. And, if one is a justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, one’s thoughts might turn to the checking account of St. Jerome Catholic School in Cleveland.

Pluralism, Dialogue, And Freedom: Professor Robert Rodes And The Church-State Nexus, Richard W. Garnett

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The idea of church-state separation and the image of a wall are at the heart of nearly every citizen's and commentator's thinking about law and religion, and about faith and public life. Unfortunately, the inapt image often causes great confusion about the important idea. What should be regarded as an important feature of religious freedom under constitutionally limited government too often serves simply as a slogan, and is too often employed as a rallying cry, not for the distinctiveness and independence of religious institutions, but for the marginalization and privatization of religious faith.

How, then, should we understand church-state separation? …

Church, State, And The Practice Of Love, Richard W. Garnett

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In his first encyclical letter, Deus caritas est, Pope Benedict XVI describes the Church as a community of love. In this letter, he explores the organized practice love by and through the Church, and the relationship between this practice, on the one hand, and the Church's commitment to the just ordering of the State and society, on the other. God is love, he writes. This paper considers the implications of this fact for the inescapably complicated nexus of church-state relations in our constitutional order.

The specific goal for this paper is to draw from Deus caritas est some insight into …

Religion And Group Rights: Are Churches (Just) Like The Boy Scouts?, Richard W. Garnett

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What role do religious communities, groups, and associations play - and, what role should they play - in our thinking and conversations about religious freedom and church-state relations? These and related questions - that is, questions about the rights and responsibilities of religious institutions - are timely, difficult, and important. And yet, they are often neglected.

It is not new to observe that American judicial decisions and public conversations about religious freedom tend to focus on matters of individuals' rights, beliefs, consciences, and practices. The special place, role, and freedoms of groups, associations, and institutions are often overlooked. However, if …

The Freedom Of The Church, Richard W. Garnett

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This Article focuses on what the American theologian and Jesuit John Courtney Murray called a Great Idea, whose entrance into history marked the beginning of a new civilizational era. That idea was libertas ecclesiae, or the freedom of the Church. It served, according to Harold Berman, as the catalyst for the first major turning point in European history and as the foundation for nearly a millennium of political theory. And, this Article suggests, it remains a crucial component of any plausible and attractive account of religious freedom under and through constitutionally limited government. It is tempting to assume or expect …

The Blaine Amendment Of 1876: Harbinger Of Secularism?, Gerard V. Bradley

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The Blaine Amendment of 1876 was a Congressional effort to add a sixteenth amendment to the Constitution. The leading feature and central aspiration of the proposal was to prohibit the states from giving financial aid to schools run by sects. Passed overwhelmingly by the House of Representatives, the Blaine Amendment narrowly failed to secure the necessary two-thirds vote in the Senate.

This paper examines the Blaine Amendment as a political phenomenon; that is, as a Republican attempt to exploit anti-Catholic prejudice in a presidential election year. It also looks at the Blaine Amendment constitutionally; that is, for the light it …

Our Structural Constitution: Religious Freedom And Church Autonomy (A Response To Mark Chopko, "Constitutional Reflections On The Parish: An Entity In The Fabric Of The Church."), Richard W. Garnett

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From the Article

The freedom and autonomy of the Church, for which Mark Chopko has been such an able advocate, are not easily separated from both the history and the health of political freedom under constitutionally limited government. In our political tradition, the challenge has always been to find the limiting principle that would check the encroachments of civil power and preserve these immunities.

Religion, Division, And The First Amendment, Richard W. Garnett

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Nearly thirty-five years ago, in Lemon v. Kurtzman, Chief Justice Warren Burger declared that state programs or policies could excessive(ly) - and, therefore, unconstitutionally - entangle government and religion, not only by requiring or allowing intrusive public monitoring of religious institutions and activities, but also through what he called their divisive political potential. Chief Justice Burger asserted also, and more fundamentally, that political division along religious lines was one of the principal evils against which the First Amendment was intended to protect. And from this Hobbesian premise about the inten(t) animating the First Amendment, he proceeded on the assumption that …

Introduction: Religion, Division, And The Constitution, Richard W. Garnett

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Thirty-five years ago, in his landmark Lemon v. Kurtzman opinion, Chief Justice Warren Burger declared that state actions could "excessive[ly]"—and, therefore, unconstitutionally—"entangle" government and religion, not only by requiring or allowing intrusive monitoring by officials of religious institutions and activities, but also through their "divisive political potential." He worried that government actions burdened with this "potential" pose a "threat to the normal political process and "divert attention from the myriad issues and problems that confront every level of government." And, he insisted that "political division along religious lines was one of the principal evils against which the First Amendment was …

The Judicial Experiment With Privatizing Religion, Gerard V. Bradley

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1984 was the high water mark of the U.S. Supreme Court's campaign to privatize religion - to strip public life bare of the sacred. It may also prove to be the mid-point: the "naked public square" was mandated by the Supreme Court in 1962, and there is good reason to think that now, in 2007, the Court might finally put an end to their misbegotten experiment.

"Privatization" of religion is tantamount to "secularism." Neither term denotes atheism, the claim that there is no God and that religion is, basically, an illusion. Privatization and secularism refer not to the denial of …

Taking Accommodation Seriously: Religious Freedom And The O Centro Case, Richard W. Garnett, Joshua D. Dunlap

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The big stories from the Supreme Court's 2005-06 Term were about military commissions and enemy combatants, political redistricting and campaign contributions, and the nomination and confirmation - the first in more than a decade - of two new Justices. Largely overlooked in the crush of Court-related coverage was the Term's lone church-state decision, Gonzalez v. O Centro Espirita Beneficente Uniao do Vegetal, involving the ritualized, but illegal, use by a small religious community from Brazil of a hallucinogenic tea called hoasca. Strictly speaking, O Centro was not a Religion Clauses case at all. It involved the interpretation and …

The Rehnquist Court And The Groundwork For Greater First Amendment Scrutiny Of Intellectual Property, Mark P. Mckenna

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This contribution to the Washington University School of Law conference on the Rehnquist Court and the First Amendment addresses the Rehnquist Court's view of the role of the First Amendment in intellectual property cases. It argues that, while the Rehnquist Court was not eager to find a conflict between intellectual property laws and the First Amendment, there is reason to believe that it set the stage for greater First Amendment scrutiny of intellectual property protections. At the very least, the Court left that road open to future courts, which might be inclined to view intellectual property more skeptically.

Changing Minds: Proselytism, Freedom, And The First Amendment, Richard W. Garnett

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Proselytism is, as Paul Griffiths has observed, a topic enjoying renewed attention in recent years. What's more, the practice, aims, and effects of proselytism are increasingly framed not merely in terms of piety and zeal; they are seen as matters of geopolitical, cultural, and national-security significance as well. Indeed, it is fair to say that one of today's more pressing challenges is the conceptual and practical tangle of religious liberty, free expression, cultural integrity, and political stability. This essay is an effort to unravel that tangle by drawing on the religious-freedom-related work and teaching of the late Pope John Paul …

Reconceptualizing Public Employee Speech, Randy J. Kozel

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If government employees didn't have any free speech rights, America might well be a much quieter place. But tying public employers' hands by denying them the ability to restrict employee speech could take a massive toll on governmental efficiency-a toll that we would all end up paying with our tax dollars. Striking the proper balance between protecting free speech and promoting social order is a tricky enough proposition when the government is acting in its familiar role as sovereign. When we move into the realm of public employee speech, striking the balance gets even tougher; it requires us to …

"And What Do You Say I Am?": The Meaning Of The Kentucky Display, Gerard V. Bradley

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In McCreary County v. ACLU, a bare majority of the Supreme Court affirmed that secularism is still the overriding principle of church-state law. Their “touchstone” was the “principle” which “mandates governmental neutrality between...religion and nonreligion.” But that’s actually not quite it. “Neutrality” between something and its absence— such as “religion” and “nonreligion”—would be (if it is imaginable at all) at least some of the thing. “Neutrality” between, say, a desert climate and a tropical climate would be someplace like Northern Indiana: rains here quite a bit but nothing like it does in the Amazon.

If “neutrality” means anything here …

Jaycees Reconsidered: Judge Richard S. Arnold And The Freedom Of Association, Richard W. Garnett

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In Roberts v. United States Jaycees, the Supreme Court reversed Judge Richard S. Arnold's decision for the Court of Appeals and held­ - without dissent - that the First Amendment did not shield the Jaycees' men-only membership policy from the non-discrimination requirements of the Minnesota Human Rights Act. The claim in this essay is that Judge Arnold's position and decision in the Jaycees case deserved, and still deserve, more thoughtful and sympathetic treatment. Even some of Judge Arnold's many friends and fans tend to treat as something of an embarrassing lapse or anomalous error his conclusion in that case that, …

The Prodigal Argument: Mccollum V. Board Of Education, Gerard V. Bradley

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From the Introduction

Judges, lawyers, and scholars all cite the 1947 case, Everson v. Board of Education, as the cornerstone of Establishment Clause doctrine. They are right to do so. The Everson Court took two path-breaking steps: incorporation and strict separation. The justices there held, for the first time, that the Fourteenth Amendment made the Establishment Clause applicable to state action. Then they offered a novel account of what non-establishment meant. In sweeping language (which you can find at 330 U.S. 15 - 16) they held that it meant more than equality among religions. By requiring that all government …

American Conversations With(In) Catholicism, Richard W. Garnett

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CATHOLICISM AND AMERICAN FREEDOM: A HISTORY. By John T. McGreevy. New York and London: W.W. Norton & Co. 2003. Pp. 431. $26.95.

John T. McGreevy's Catholicism and American Freedom tells the story of how America or, more particularly, American liberalism has reacted and responded to Catholic claims about the nature and purpose of freedom. It also addresses how these claims were, in turn, shaped by Catholicism's own interactions with, internal conversations about, and adjustment to American liberalism. As McGreevy shows, for many people and for many years, the Roman Catholic Church served as a foil for American values and …

Reflections On Newdow, Gerard V. Bradley, Paul J. Griffiths

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Although saving the Pledge from a declaration of unconstitutionality is an end worth our prayers, I think that O’Connor’s effort to portray it as “ceremonial deism” fails. “Under God” endorses religion, and the Court should address the issue on that basis. If the phrase comports with the Constitution – as I think it does – it is because the Constitution does not prohibit governmental affirmations that “God” – a greater-than-human source of meaning and value – exists.

Assimilation, Toleration, And The State's Interest In The Development Of Religious Doctrine, Richard W. Garnett

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Thirty-five years ago, in the context of a church-property dispute, Justice William Brennan observed that government interpretation of religious doctrine and judicial intervention in religious disputes are undesirable, because when civil courts undertake to resolve [doctrinal] controversies..., the hazards are ever present of inhibiting the free development of religious doctrine and of implicating secular interests in matters of purely ecclesiastical concern. This statement, at first, seems wise and fittingly cautious, even unremarkable and obvious. On examination, though, it turns out to be intriguing, elusive, and misleading. Indeed, Justice Brennan's warning presents hazards of its own, and its premises - if …

Threats, Free Speech, And The Jurisprudence Of The Federal Criminal Law, G. Robert Blakey, Brian J. Murray

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In these materials, we set out a road map for the task of reforming the jurisprudence of threats and an articulation of its rationale under the First Amendment. In addition, we examine the basic jurisprudence of the federal criminal law, in particular, its traditional roots in notions of individual responsibility based on personal conduct and state of mind. In Part I, we analyze the district court and the Ninth Circuit opinions in the American Coalition litigation. In Part II, we trace the traditional theory and practice of free speech under the First Amendment, rooted in the history and various rationales …

The Right Questions About School Choice: Education, Religious Freedom, And The Common Good, Richard W. Garnett

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As this Essay goes to press, the Supreme Court is considering whether Ohio's school-choice program violates the First Amendment to the United States Constitution. In my view, the Ohio program is sound public policy, and it is consistent with the Justices' present understanding of the Establishment Clause. I also believe that the Court will and should permit this experiment, and our conversations about its merits, to continue. The purpose of this Essay, though, is not to predict or evaluate ex ante the Court's decision. Instead, my primary aim is to suggest and then sketch a few broad themes that--once the …

An Unconstitutional Stereotype: Catholic Schools As Pervasively Sectarian, Gerard V. Bradley

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The Supreme Court first held public assistance to religious schools unconstitutional in 1971 in Lemon v. Kurtzman. From then until now the concept of “pervasively sectarian” has played a central role in “parochaid” jurisprudence; every holding against “direct” aid has rested upon it as a necessary premise. “Pervasively sectarian” refers to the assertedly religious (“sectarian”) character of the entire curriculum at parochial schools. Religion, it is said, so permeates the whole educational program that “direct aid” to any aspect of that program inescapably aids religion itself. And that, it is said, violates the Establishment Clause. Because aid statutes typically aim …

Common Schools And The Common Good: Reflections On The School-Choice Debate, Richard W. Garnett

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Thank you very much for this timely and important discussion on school choice, religious faith, and the public good.

First things first—Steven Green is right: The Cleveland school-voucher case is headed for the Supreme Court. And I am afraid that Mr. Green is also correct when he observes that the question whether the First Amendment permits States to experiment with meaningful choice-based education reform will likely turn on Justice O'Connor's fine-tuned aesthetic reactions to the minutiae of Ohio's school-choice experiment.

Putting aside for now the particulars of the Cleveland case, though, I would like to propose for your consideration a …

Voluntary Campaign Finance Reform, John Copeland Nagle

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Any effort to achieve voluntary campaign finance reform raises two questions: Is it really voluntary, and does it really work? In Part I of this Essay, I examine the voluntariness of "voluntary" campaign finance reform. Agreements like that reached by Clinton and Lazio last year—what I term "purely voluntary agreements"—satisfy most legal tests for voluntariness. By contrast, the voluntariness of spending limits and other campaign restrictions that are imposed as a condition for receiving government funding of a political campaign—what I term "governmentally induced agreements"—is more doubtful. The extant jurisprudence recognizes that Buckley prohibits governmental actions that are more coercive …

School Choice, The First Amendment, And Social Justice, Nicole Stelle Garnett, Richard W. Garnett

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This Article is intended to be a primer on the legality and morality of educational choice—"School Choice in a Nutshell," if you will. We are resigned to being pre-empted by the tireless work of grassroots activists, the choices of voters, and the decisions of judges. Still, we hope, in somewhat polemical fashion, to establish two basic claims. First, school choice, properly understood, is constitutional. And second, school choice is both sensible and just.

In the end, we believe "school choice . . . is essential to achieving equality of opportunity for American children, rich or poor. School choice treats the …