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Copying Prosodic Constituents, John J. Mccarthy, Wendell Kimper, Kevin Mullin

John J. McCarthy

The weight of a syllable-sized reduplicant is never dependent on the syllabification of the base -- that is, no language has a reduplicative morpheme that copies a coda in [pat-pat.ka] but no coda in [pa-pa.ta]. Yet this behavior is attested in the second syllable of foot-sized reduplicants: [pa.ta-pa.ta.ka], [pa.tak-pa.tak.ta]. Why is dependence on base syllabification possible in foot-sized reduplicants, but not in syllable-sized ones?

This article provides an answer to that question in the form of a novel theory of reduplication called Serial Template Satisfaction (STS), which is situated within Harmonic Serialism (a derivational variant of Optimality Theory). In STS, …

Agreement By Correspondence Without Corr Constraints, John J. Mccarthy

John J. McCarthy

Agreement by correspondence (ABC) is a theory of long-distance assimilation processes proposed in recent work by Hansson and Rose & Walker. This paper presents a refinement of the ABC framework, eliminating the need for Corr constraints, which require correspondence between similar segments.

An Introduction To Harmonic Serialism, John J. Mccarthy

John J. McCarthy

No abstract provided.

Harmonic Serialism Supplement To Doing Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy

John J. McCarthy

This document consists of about 30 pages of text to supplement Doing Optimality Theory (Blackwell, 2008).