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Phonetics and Phonology

Selected Works

2013

Articles 1 - 8 of 8

Full-Text Articles in Social and Behavioral Sciences

Examining The Extent Of Anticipatory Coronal Coarticulation: A Long-Term Average Spectrum Analysis, Alexei Kochetov, Christopher Neufeld Jun 2013

Examining The Extent Of Anticipatory Coronal Coarticulation: A Long-Term Average Spectrum Analysis, Alexei Kochetov, Christopher Neufeld

Alexei Kochetov

Phonetic studies of English liquids /r/ and /l/ have shown these consonants can exert strong coarticulatory effects on both adjacent and non-adjacent vowels. The current study investigated local and long-range effects of coronals /l/, /r/, and /d/ in Canadian English. Fourteen speakers were recorded reading the sentences 'We thought it might be a ram/lamb/dam/ham'. Formants F1-F3 and long-term average spectra (LTAS) of 5 vowels preceding the target consonants were calculated and compared to baseline values. The results revealed significant differences between the coronal consonants and the control (/h/) in up to 4 preceding syllables. Formant differences in non-adjacent syllables were …

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An Electropalatography (Epg) Study Of Nasal-Trill/Lateral Sequences In Spanish, Alexei Kochetov, Laura Colantoni Jun 2013

An Electropalatography (Epg) Study Of Nasal-Trill/Lateral Sequences In Spanish, Alexei Kochetov, Laura Colantoni

Alexei Kochetov

Trills and laterals require relatively precise articulatory and aerodynamic settings that are at least partly incompatible with setting necessary to produce nasal stops. Historically, this incompatibility has often been resolved through assimilation, deletion, or epenthesis in within-word [n+r] and [n+l] clusters (e.g. in Romance). It is expected that similar, yet gradient effects would be observed in across-word or hetero-morphemic sequences of nasals and liquids. This study examines the production of Spanish nasal-liquid sequences using electropalatography (EPG). Linguopalatal contact data were collected from 9 native speakers of Spanish (representing 3 dialects) producing various utterances with nasals before /r/ and /l/ (as …

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A Preliminary Ultrasound Study Of Nepali Lingual Articulations, Alexei Kochetov, Marianne Pouplier, Sarah Truong May 2013

A Preliminary Ultrasound Study Of Nepali Lingual Articulations, Alexei Kochetov, Marianne Pouplier, Sarah Truong

Alexei Kochetov

Previous descriptive and phonetic works on Nepali provided conflicting accounts of place contrasts in coronal consonants. Specifically, apical stops were characterized as either retroflex or alveolar, while laminal affricates were described as either alveolar or palatal. Some of these works used static palatography, which shows the contact between the tongue and the palate, but provides no information about the tongue shape for a given consonant or its dynamic properties. In this study we used ultrasound to image tongue shapes for various Nepali lingual consonants produced by a single native speaker of Brahmin dialect. The results showed that the speaker’s apical …

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Variation And Preferences In Modern Hebrew Nonce Verbs, Michal Martinez Jan 2013

Variation And Preferences In Modern Hebrew Nonce Verbs, Michal Martinez

Michal Temkin Martinez

This paper reports a production experiment examining variation in Modern Hebrew spirantization. Modern Hebrew spirantization is characterized by the alternation of the stops [p], [b], and [k] with their fricative counterparts [f], [v], and [χ], respectively. Typically, fricatives occur post-vocalically, and stops elsewhere, as in (1). (1) Root Infinitive Uninflected Gloss /p/~[f] /pgʃ/ [lifgoʃ] [pagaʃ] ‘to meet’ /b/~[v] /bgd/ [livgod] [bagad] ‘to betray’ /k/~[χ] /ktb/ [liχtov] [katav] ‘to write’ Due to historical mergers and recent borrowings, there are segments that are acoustically identical to those in (1) but that do not alternate, thus potentially forming exceptions (i.e. post-vocalic stops or …

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Number Marking In Western Armenian: A Non-Argument For Outwardly-Sensitive Phonologically Conditioned Allomorphy, Bert Vaux, Neil Myler, Karlos Arregi Jan 2013

Number Marking In Western Armenian: A Non-Argument For Outwardly-Sensitive Phonologically Conditioned Allomorphy, Bert Vaux, Neil Myler, Karlos Arregi

Bert Vaux

The Western Armenian possessive plural data originally reported in Vaux (1998, 2003) have been asserted by Wolf 2011 to involve outwardly-sensitive phonologically conditioned allomorphy, a phenomenon widely argued to be unattested (Carstairs-McCarthy 1987; Paster 2006) and predicted to be impossible by the tenets of Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993; Bobaljik 2000). We show that the full complexity of the Western Armenian system is better captured in an account that makes no reference to outwardly-sensitive phonological conditioning of this sort. The analysis is based on standard DM mechanisms of morpheme copying, displacement, and spellout (Harris and Halle 2005, Arregi and …

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Retroflex Variation And Methodological Issues: A Reply To Simonsen, Moen, And Cowen (2008), Janne Bondi Johannessen, Bert Vaux Jan 2013

Retroflex Variation And Methodological Issues: A Reply To Simonsen, Moen, And Cowen (2008), Janne Bondi Johannessen, Bert Vaux

Bert Vaux

We argue that the differences in the articulation of Norwegian retroflex consonants described by Simonsen, Moen, and Cowen (2008) as individual variation may instead be due to factors such as individual and dialectal background, rather than variation across a single variety. Our main argument is based on existing dialect literature and speech corpus data, which show that the phonemes involved in the retroflexion process are not present in the same linguistic contexts in all dialects. SMC’s experimental stimuli and conditions include linguistic contexts which do not necessarily induce retroflexion naturally, and therefore cannot be relied upon to provide an accurate …

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Sources Of Prosodic Structure, John J. Mccarthy, Kathryn Pruitt Jan 2013

Sources Of Prosodic Structure, John J. Mccarthy, Kathryn Pruitt

John J. McCarthy

This chapter claims that phonology is like syntax in that the input consists of lexical items with little or no structure. Specifically, we argue that metrical foot structure is always absent from underlying representations. This argument is framed in a derivational version of Optimality Theory called Harmonic Serialism (HS). The natural assumption in HS is that metrical structures are built one foot at a time. This mode of structure building has desirable consequences for locality in stress patterns. But these results can be subverted if structures that the grammar cannot produce are already present in underlying representations. The chapter concludes …

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Phonology, Optimality Theory: Modern Hebrew, Michal Temkin Martinez Jan 2013

Phonology, Optimality Theory: Modern Hebrew, Michal Temkin Martinez

Michal Temkin Martinez

This encyclopedia entry shows how Optimality Theory (OT hereafter; Prince and Smolensky 1993) may be applied to the phonology of Modern Hebrew, treating the spirantization of the 'bgdkpt' consonants as a case study.

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