Law Commons^™

Ambiguities And Absences: Occupational Health And Safety Regulation Of Platform-Mediated Work In Ontario, Canada, Eric Tucker

Articles & Book Chapters

Platform-mediated work, whether location-based, as in the case of Uber, or cloud-based, as in the case of Amazon Mechanical Turk, poses severe challenges to effective occupational health and safety (OHS) regulation. While the work performed in the platform environment is not usually very different from work performed in more traditional employment settings, the platform environment often exacerbates those risks by, for example, increasing stress and incentivizing long hours and work intensification. Regulating these hazards is impeded by ambiguities surrounding the legal relationship between platform operators and platform workers that make it uncertain whether the OHS regime even applies. As well …

Revisiting The Automation Tax Debate In Light Of Covid-19 And Resulting Structural Unemployment, Vincent Ooi

Research Collection Yong Pung How School Of Law

As lockdowns ease around the globe and businesses reopen, the threat of jobs being automated by machines and workers being displaced as a result has significantly increased. Businesses must keep the number of workers on site to a minimum to comply with safe distancing measures. Under these constraints while social distancing remains the norm, automation might be the way forward for companies that still want to continue production while minimising human contact. The threat of a workforce being replaced by robots and automation, a threat that has already alarmed the labour movement, is heightened with Covid-19. There will be considerable …

Taxation Of Automation And Artificial Intelligence As A Tool Of Labour Policy, Vincent Ooi, Glendon Goh

Centre for AI & Data Governance

Rapid developments in automation technology pose a risk of massdisplacement of human labour, resulting in the need to support and retraindisplaced workers (a negative externality). We propose an “automation tax”that would slow the adoption of automation technology in appropriatecircumstances, giving workers and social support systems time to adapt. Thiscould be easily implemented through changes to the existing schedular systemof depreciation/ capital allowances, reducing the uncertainty of its applicationand implementation costs. Such a system would be flexible enough to keepup with rapid technological developments. Two main dimensions may beadjusted to produce intended distortionary effects: 1) accelerated depreciation,and 2) bonus depreciation. While …

The Eeoc, The Ada, And Workplace Wellness Programs, Samuel R. Bagenstos

Articles

It seems that everybody loves workplace wellness programs. The Chamber of Commerce has firmly endorsed those progarms, as have other business groups. So has President Obama, and even liberal firebrands like former Senator Tom Harkin. And why not? After all, what's not to like about programs that encourage people to adopt healthy habits like exercise, nutritious eating, and quitting smoking? The proponents of these programs speak passionately, and with evident good intentions, about reducing the crushing burden that chronic disease places on individuals, families, communities, and the economy as a whole. What's not to like? Plenty. Workplace wellness programs are …

Regulating Employment-Based Anything, Brendan S. Maher

Faculty Scholarship

Benefit regulation has been called “the most consequential subject to which no one pays enough attention.” It exhausts judges, intimidates legislators, and scares off theorists. That need not be so. Reality is less complicated than advertised.

Governments often consider intervention if markets fail to make some socially desirable Good X — such as education, health care, home mortgages, or pensions, for example — sufficiently available. One obvious fix is for the government to provide the good itself. A less obvious intervention is for the government to regulate employment-based (EB) arrangements that provide Good X as a benefit to employees and …

Introduction To The Workplace Constitution From The New Deal To The New Right, Sophia Z. Lee

All Faculty Scholarship

Today, most American workers do not have constitutional rights on the job. As The Workplace Constitution shows, this outcome was far from inevitable. Instead, American workers have a long history of fighting for such rights. Beginning in the 1930s, civil rights advocates sought constitutional protections against racial discrimination by employers and unions. At the same time, a conservative right-to-work movement argued that the Constitution protected workers from having to join or support unions. Those two movements, with their shared aim of extending constitutional protections to American workers, were a potentially powerful combination. But they sought to use those protections to …

The Classical American State And The Regulation Of Morals, Herbert J. Hovenkamp

All Faculty Scholarship

The United States has a strong tradition of state regulation that stretches back to the Commonwealth ideal of Revolutionary times and grew steadily throughout the nineteenth century. But regulation also had more than its share of critics. A core principle of Jacksonian democracy was that too much regulation was for the benefit of special interests, mainly wealthier and propertied classes. The ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment after the Civil War provided the lever that laissez faire legal writers used to make a more coherent Constitutional case against increasing regulation. How much they actually succeeded has always been subject to dispute. …

Where You Stand Depends On Where You Sit: Bureaucratic Politics In Federal Workplace Agencies Serving Undocumented Workers, Ming H. Chen

Publications

This Article integrates social science theory about immigrant incorporation and administrative agencies with empirical data about immigrant-serving federal workplace agencies to illuminate the role of bureaucracies in the construction of rights. More specifically, it contends that immigrants' rights can be protected when workplace agencies incorporate immigrants into labor law enforcement in accordance with the agencies' professional ethos and organizational mandates. Building on Miles' Law that "where you stand depends on where you sit," this Article argues that agencies exercise discretion in the face of contested law and in contravention to a political climate hostile to undocumented immigrants for the purpose …

Offshore Outsourcing And Worker Rights, Theodore J. St. Antoine

Articles

For the workers in the Rust Belt of the United States, concentrated in Southern New England, Western New York State, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and Illinois, it doesn't make much difference whether their jobs are outsourced or lost to North Carolina or Mexico or China. In any event the sources of income that have existed for generations are gone and the economic and psychic pains are much the same. Nonetheless, for purposes of national policy it plainly matters whether the work is moving to another part of the country or is leaving the United States entirely. I am going to …

A Tale Of Three Statutes . . . (And One Industry): A Case Study On The Competitive Effects Of Regulation, Rafael Gely

Faculty Publications

The comparison of the three labor regulatory regimes raises an interesting counterexample to the traditional model of regulation. Instead of adopting a one-size-fits-all model, could a regulatory model be conceptualized where a menu of regulatory options is made available to the target population? Under such an approach those affected by the regulatory regime will choose among the various regulatory options and adopt those that better fit their particular situations. Part IV.B develops the basic parameters of this proposal. The article ends with a brief conclusion.

The Case Against Regulating The Market For Contingent Employment, Maria O'Brien

Faculty Scholarship

No abstract provided.

The Rational Regulation Of Union Restrictive Practices, Theodore J. St. Antoine

Book Chapters

Power begets regulation. As union strength grew during recent decades, the federal laissez-faire policy of Norris-LaGuardia and the original Wagner Act gave way to increasingly tighter controls under Taft-Hartley and Landrum-Griffin. Considering the favored position of economic efficiency in our national ethos, it is not surprising that a significant portion of the new controls were directed at union practices which were thought to impede the fullest utilization of employers' productive resources. From time to time, however, thoughtful observers have questioned whether our legal regulation of union activity was properly attuned to the actual needs and economic power of labor and …