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Copying Prosodic Constituents, John J. Mccarthy, Wendell Kimper, Kevin Mullin
Copying Prosodic Constituents, John J. Mccarthy, Wendell Kimper, Kevin Mullin
John J. McCarthy
The weight of a syllable-sized reduplicant is never dependent on the syllabification of the base -- that is, no language has a reduplicative morpheme that copies a coda in [pat-pat.ka] but no coda in [pa-pa.ta]. Yet this behavior is attested in the second syllable of foot-sized reduplicants: [pa.ta-pa.ta.ka], [pa.tak-pa.tak.ta]. Why is dependence on base syllabification possible in foot-sized reduplicants, but not in syllable-sized ones?
This article provides an answer to that question in the form of a novel theory of reduplication called Serial Template Satisfaction (STS), which is situated within Harmonic Serialism (a derivational variant of Optimality Theory). In STS, …
Agreement By Correspondence Without Corr Constraints, John J. Mccarthy
Agreement By Correspondence Without Corr Constraints, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
Agreement by correspondence (ABC) is a theory of long-distance assimilation processes proposed in recent work by Hansson and Rose & Walker. This paper presents a refinement of the ABC framework, eliminating the need for Corr constraints, which require correspondence between similar segments.
An Introduction To Harmonic Serialism, John J. Mccarthy
An Introduction To Harmonic Serialism, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
No abstract provided.
Harmonic Serialism Supplement To Doing Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy
Harmonic Serialism Supplement To Doing Optimality Theory, John J. Mccarthy
John J. McCarthy
This document consists of about 30 pages of text to supplement Doing Optimality Theory (Blackwell, 2008).